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COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



Writings of 
George WasKin^ton 



Edited with an Introduction and Notes 

By 
La'wrence B. Evans, PH.D. 

Profes»or of History in Tufts College 



G. P. Putnam's Sons 

New York and London 
Ube IknicfterbocF^er press 

1908 



Mritinas of Hmerican Statesmen 

Edited by Lawrence B. Evans, Ph.D. 

Professor of History in Tufts College 



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Preface 



This is the first volume of the new series, Writ- 
ings of American Statesmen^ the purpose of which 
is to present in convenient form the most im- 
portant writings of our most important statesmen. 
Subject to the Hmitations of space fixed by the 
publishers, the editor designs to bring into the 
several volumes all the writings of the statesmen 
represented which fall into the following categories : 

1. Those documents which of themselves are 
important state papers, as Washington's Farewell 
Address, Hamilton's Report on the Public Credit, 
Franklin's Plan for a Union of the Colonies, 
and Jefferson's draft of the Declaration of In- 
dependence. 

2. Accounts of important events in which the 
writer was a leading participant, as Washington's 
description of his capture of Boston, Jefferson's 
account of the purchase of Louisiana, and Frank- 
lin's story of the conclusion of peace with Great 
Britain. 

3. Papers setting forth the opinions of the 
writers on important public questions, as Wash- 
ington's letters on the settlement of the West, the 



vi Preface 

papers of Hamilton and Jefferson concerning the 
interpretation of the Constitution, and Franklin's 
yiew of the questions at issue in the Revolution. 

Of the writings of Washington, two editions of 
considerable extent exist, neither of which, how- 
ever, is definitive. The first was published some 
seventy years ago under the editorship of Jared 
Sparks, and unfortunately this is the form in which 
Washington's papers are most familiar to the 
public. President Sparks's editorial methods are 
well known. Before publishing Washington's 
papers, he undertook to revise them. He omitted 
passages of which he did not approve, but did not 
warn his readers that the document as he presented 
it was incomplete. He altered words and phrases, 
and in some cases he even altered the sense. In 
his notes, however, he rendered great service by 
giving to the public the fruits of his wide learning. 

The other edition began to appear about twenty 
years ago under the editorship of Worthington C. 
Ford. In this edition, the editor, in accordance 
with the accepted canons of historical scholarship, 
undertook to reproduce the texts exactly as they 
left the hands of their author. He incorporated 
in his work many of Sparks's notes, and printed 
a considerable number of Washington's papers 
which had never before been published. 

The texts in this volume are taken, with a few 
exceptions, from Ford's edition. A few notes by 
Ford and a considerable number by Sparks are 
also included. The unsigned notes are by the 
present editor. 



Preface vii 

In order to avoid confusion, it should be stated 
that the references in this volume to The Works 
of Hamilton are to Senator Lodge's first edition. 
I would not close this preface without expressing 
my appreciation of the helpful criticism which I 
have received from the publishers and from my 
colleague and friend, Professor David L. Maulsby. 

Lawrence B. Evans. 
Tufts College, October, 1908. 



Contents 



Con 



Preface 

Contents 

Analytical Table of Contents .... 

Introduction 

Chronology 

Washington's Cabinet 

I. In the British Army and Colonial Coun 

CILS . 

In the War for Independence . 
The Formation and Adoption of the 

stitution .... 

Starting the New Government 
Policies and Opinions 

1. Relations with Great Britain 

2. The Treaty-Making Power 

3. Neutrality .... 

4. The Whiskey Insurrection 

5. The Settlement of the West 

6. Education .... 

7. Slavery 

The Farewell Address 



II. 
III. 

IV. 
V. 



VI. 
Index 



The portrait is from a painting hij Rem'brandt 



PAGB 

V 

ix 

xi 

XXXV 

Ixv 
Ixix 

1 
31 

239 
303 
363 
365 
393 
404 
444 
473 
512 
523 
529 
561 
Peale. 



Analytical Table of Contents 



IN THE BRITISH ARMY AND COLONIAL 
COUNCILS 



To Governor Dinwiddie, 18 July, 1775 ... 3 

The battle with the French on the Monongahela; 
the cowardice of the regular troops; death of 
General Braddock; dangerous condition of the fron- 
tiers. 

To John Augustine Washington, 18 July, 1755 . 5 

False report of the writer's death; narrow escape 
in the battle with the French. 

To Mrs. Martha Custis, 20 July, 1758 ... 6 

A friendly message written while on the march 
to the Ohio. 

To Francis Dandridge, 20 September, 1765 . 7 

The Stamp Act; how the Americans regard it; its 
probable effect on American trade with Great 
Britain. 

To George Mason, 5 April, 1769 .... 10 

American liberty must be protected; arms to be the 
last resort; effectiveness of starving British trade 
considered; methods of beginning the work. 

To Bryan Fairfax, 4 July, 1774 .... 15 

Futility of petitioning the throne for a redress of 
grievances; injustice of confiscating debts due to 
Great Britain. 



xii Contents 



PAGE 



To Bryan Fairfax, 20 July, 1774 ... 16 

Useless to try to induce Parliament to repeal the 
offensive acts; evidence of a fixed plan to tax 
America; nothing to be expected from addressing 
the throne. 

To Bryan Fairfax, 24 August, 1774 ... 23 

Measures adopted by Great Britain repugnant to 
the British constitution; the colonies must resist; 
effect of the resistance of Massachusetts Bay. 

To Captain Robert Mackenzie, 9 October, 1774 . 26 

Defends the people of Massachusetts against the 
charge of seeking independence; the ministers must 
abandon their measures if they would avoid rebel- 
lion; independence not desired by any thinking man 
in America. 

II 

IN THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 

Address accepting the Command of the Army, 

16 June, 1775 33 

Expresses fear that he may be unequal to the task; 
declines to receive any pecuniary compensation. 

Commission as Commander-in-Chief, 19 June, 1775 34 

To Mrs. Martha Washington, 18 June, 1775 . . 35 

Informs her of his appointment as commander-in- 
chief, and declares that he could not avoid it; hopes 
that she will try to be contented during his absence; 
has made his will. 

To the President of Congress, 21 September, 1775 37 

Finds it difficult to persuade the troops to sub- 
scribe to the Continental articles of war; the whole 
army will dissolve on or before January 1st; the 
distressing condition of the army for want of sup- 
plies. 

To Joseph Reed, 28 November, 1775 ... 40 

Laments dearth of public spirit; difficulty in the en- 
listment of men. 



Contents xiii 

PAGE 

To Joseph Reed, 14 January, 177G ... 42 

Welcomes his criticism; the army without money, 
ammunition or arms; enlistments have ceased; 
regrets that he postponed his attack on Boston. 

To Joseph Keed, 10 February, 1776 ... 47 

Realizes the hardship of his situation; condition of 
the army so bad that he has had to conceal it 
from his own officers; has had no idea of accommo- 
dation with England since the battle of Bunker 
Hill. 

To John Augustine Washington, 31 March, 1776 52 

Remarkable success of the army; the capture of 
Boston; the flight of the British; duty of all citi- 
zens to take part in public affairs; estimate of 
General Charles Lee. 

To Joseph Reed, 1 April, 1776 .... 58 

Distrusts British proposals for accommodation. 

To John Augustine Washington, 31 May, 1776 . 60 

America must conquer or be prepared to submit 
to unconditional terms; care to be used in framing 
a new government for Virginia. 

To John Augustine Washington, 22 September, 

1776 , , 61 

The battle of Long Island; the retreat from Long 
Island; plans of the British; encampment at Haer- 
lem Heights; mistaken dependence on militia. 

To the President of Congress, 24 September, 1776 67 

The terms of enlistment of the army about to ex- 
pire; Congress must prepare for a long war; means 
must be adopted for inducing men to enlist; a 
good bounty necessary; militia not to be relied 
upon; jealousy of a standing army unwarranted; 
careful choice of surgeons necessary; rules for 
the government of the army should be revised; 
efforts to stop plundering; a thorough revision of 
the military system is necessary. 

To -John Augustine Washington, 10 November, 

1776 78 

The futility of short enlistments. 



xiv Contents 



PAGE 



To the President of Congress, 27 December, 177G 80 

The battle of Trenton; praise of the army. 

To the President of Congress, 5 January, 1777 . 84 

The crossing of the Delaware; the battle of Prince- 
ton; distressed condition of the army. 

To the President of Congress, 11 September, 1777 88 

The battle of Brandywine. 

To Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hamilton, 22 

September, 1777 90 

Authorizes the levying of forcible contributions of 
supplies for the army. 

To John Augustine Washington, 18 October, 1777 92 

The battle of Germantown; explanation of the 
defeat of the Americans; distress of the army; 
disaffection among the people of Pennsylvania; the 
surrender of Burgoyne. 

To the President of Congress, 23 December, 1777 96 

The army at the point of dissolution; unable to 
attack the enemy for want of provisions and cloth- 
ing; gloomy outlook; large number of men unfit 
for duty; unjust criticism of the army; measures 
necessary to prevent resignations; preparations for 
the next campaign should be undertaken at once; 
some measures suggested. 

To Bryan Fairfax, 1 March, 1778 .... 104 
Difference in political sentiments produced no dif- 
ference in friendship; the designs of Great 
Britain; her attempts to force America into re- 
bellion; her proposals of conciliation. 

To John Banister, 21 April, 1778 .... 108 
The proposed establishment of the army a neces- 
sary measure; great number of resignations; con- 
trasts in the situation of the British and American 
officers; patriotism not sufficient to support a war; 
America should beware of British proposals of 
peace; negotiations with Europe should be brought 
to an issue; disposition of France; our affairs at 
a crisis; peace should be made only on the basis 



Contents xv 

PAGE 

of independence; Lord North's speech; bad conse- 
quences of the indecision of Congress and its jeal- 
ousy of the army; the sufferings of the aiiny; the 
volunteer plan; pardon of the Tories suggested. 

To Gouverneur Morris, 4 October, 1778 . . . 121 
Doubts our ability to prosecute the war much 
longer; thinks Great Britain is not likely at pres- 
ent to abandon the contest; difficulties in the army; 
memorial to Congress. 

To Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 14 No- 
vember, 1778 123 

Lafayette's plan for the invasion of Canada; dan- 
ger of introducing French troops among the French 
Canadians; advantage to France of recovering 
Canada; danger to America of French occupation 
of Canada; America unable to terminate such occu- 
pation if once established; the project probably 
originated with the French cabinet. 

To Benjamin Harrison, 18 December, 1778 . . 129 
Reasons for the enemy's continuance in America; 
faults of our political system; the States should 
send their best men to Congress; the States do 
not realize the critical posture of our affairs; heroic 
exertions necessary to save us from ruin; painful 
lack of devotion to the public interest. 

To George Mason, 27 March, 1779 ... 135 
Our affairs never in a worse condition than now; 
the enemy's hope renewed; speculators using the 
war for their own profit; the States must send 
their best men to Congress; the contest not yet 
ended. 

To James Warren, 31 March, 1779 . . . 138 
Laments the want of public virtue; desire for gain 
threatens to defeat our cause; vigorous measures 
must be adopted. 

To Governor Trumbull, 8 January, 1780 . . 141 
The army almost perishing because of lack of pro- 
visions; the soldiers resort to plundering; the States 
must exert themselves; action of Maryland. 



xviii Contents 

PAGB 

army expects; evils that may follow a denial of 
justice. 

To Lund Washington, 19 March, 1783 ... 195 
Dangerous situation in the army; delinquencies of 
the States; danger of denying justice to the army. 

To Governor Benjamin Harrison, 19 March, 1783 197 

Crisis in the army; distress of the troops; the anon- 
ymous addresses; justice for the army. 

To Theodorick Bland, 4 April, 1783 ... 200 
The restoration of peace; America must now es- 
tablish a national character; claims of the army; 
what the army expects; contrasts between military 
and civil service. 

To Theodorick Bland, 4 April, 1783 ... 204 
The expectations of the army; the establishment 
of funds; the liquidation of the accounts of the 
army; partial payment of arrearages; how the 
money may be obtained; danger in discharging the 
troops without money; possibility of an address 
from Congress to the States; suggested that a com- 
mittee of Congress visit the army; necessity of a 
peace establishment. 

Circular Letter to the Governors, 8 June, 1783 . 212 
The objects of the war having been achieved, he 
intends to retire to private life; reasons for rejoic- 
ing; America's favorable situation; her indepen- 
dence achieved at an auspicious time; the present 
a period of political probation; the happiness, per- 
haps even the existence, of the United States is 
dependent on four things: an indissoluble union of 
the States with a government strong enough to 
regulate their general concerns; a sacred regard to 
public justice, particularly as concerns the army 
and other creditors of the United States; the adop- 
tion of a proper peace establishment, which shall 
provide suitable training for the militia; and the 
removal of local prejudices which prevent harmo- 
nious relations among the States; the war pro- 
longed by an inefficient central government; asks 
that this letter be communicated to the State 
legislature. 



Contents xix 

PAGE 

Farewell Orders to the Armies of the United 

States, 2 November, 1783 ... 229 
The armies of the United States being about to 
be dissolved, the Commander-in-Chief takes leave of 
them; their object attained much earlier than they 
had reason to expect; their prospect of happiness 
is unexcelled; good soldiers should be good citizens; 
the public cannot fail to do them justice; exhorts 
them to strengthen the union, and commends them 
for their past conduct. 

To the President of Congress, 20 December, 1783 235 
Inquires how and when he may resign his com- 
mission. 

To Baron Steuben, 23 December, 1783 ... 236 
Commends his services in the Revolutionary War. 

Address to Congress on resigning; bis commission, 

23 December, 1783 ^ . . . . 237 
Congratulates Congress on the favorable termina- 
tion of the war, and retires from public life. 

Ill 

THE FORMATION AND ADOPTION OF THE 
CONSTITUTION 

To Alexander Hamilton, 31 March, 1783 . . 241 
Danger that State politics will result in the dis- 
solution of the union; defects of the Articles of 
Confederation; necessity for reform. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 5 April, 1783 . . 243 
Fears that local pi'ejudices will interfere with the 
formation of a proper national government. 

To Dr. William Gordon, 8 July, 1783 ... 244 
Danger that the country will fall into anarchy; 
we are known to other nations only as the United 
States; powers of Congress must be enlarged; a 
Congress with adequate powers not a body to be 
feared. 

To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia, 18 

January, 1784 248 

State jealousies threaten the destruction of the 



XX Contents 

PAGE 

union; less danger from a strong central govern- 
ment than from a weak one. 

To James McHenry, 22 August, 1785 . . . 251 
Argues for the federal regulation of commerce; 
disunion the greatest of evils; concession of trad- 
ing privileges by Great Britain depends on our 
ability to act as one nation. 

To James Warren, 7 October, 1785 ... 255 
Fears we have not the wisdom to make use of the 
opportunities offered us; the powers of the national 
government must be enlarged, or we shall be re- 
garded with contempt by other nations; the regula- 
tion of foreign commerce requires a controlling 
power. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 10 May, 178(3 . . 257 
Evils of a democracy likely to work their own 
cure; prospect of the adoption of the impost 
amendment; the States are providing for a con- 
vention to discuss the regulation of commerce; a 
^.ational convention for the general revision of the 
Articles of Confederation is talked of by many. 

To John Jay, 18 May, 17SG 260 

Great need for amending the Articles of Confedera- 
tion; this is prevented by wickedness rather than 
ignorance; a disposition to do justice seems to be 
wanting. 

To John Jay, 1 August, 1786 .... 261 

Our violation of the treaty of peace; our affairs 
approaching a crisis; additional powers must be 
vested in Congress; such power not likely to be 
misused; failure of requisitions on the States; a 
monarchical government is suggested in some 
quarters; his advice disregarded. 

To Henry Lee, 31 October, 1786 .... 265 
Insurrections in the Eastern States; real grievances 
should be redressed; the authority of the govern- 
ment should be exerted; if inadequate, all will be 
convinced of the necessity of strengthening it. 



Contents xxl 

PAGE 

To James Madisou, 5 November, 1786 . . . 267 
Commends the condition of the federal government 
to the serious attention of the Virginia legislature; 
cites Genei'al Knox's report on the situation in 
Massachusetts; an energetic government needed. 

To Henry Knox, 26 December, 1786 ... 271 
Laments the disorders in Massachusetts; asks why 
the Eastern States failed to attend the Annapolis 
Convention; emission of paper money under dis- 
cussion in Maryland; thinks the government of 
Massachusetts may not have used the authority 
vested in it for the preservation of order; Great 
Britain will employ every opportunity to increase 
the jealousy among the States and to foment 
trouble with the Indians. 

To John Jay, 10 March, 1787 .... 275 
Thinks the country must feel the evils of the 
present government still more before revision of it 
can be accomplished; the States' passion for power 
and sovereignty will be adverse to it; nevertheless 
he would try what the proposed national conven- 
tion may accomplish; doubts whether he will at- 
tend the convention. 

To David Stnart, 1 July, 1787 .... 277 
Scandalous conduct of Rhode Island; New Hamp- 
shire not yet represented in the convention; the 
primary cause of all our disorders is the States' 
tenacity of their power; diversity of opinion as to 
the kind of government needed. 

To Alexander Hamilton, 10 July, 1787 ... 280 
Bad state of affairs in the convention; opponents 
of a strong government are narrow-minded poli- 
ticians or under the influence of local sentiments. 

To Patrick Henry, 24 September, 1787 ... 281 
Sends him a copy of the new Constitution; wishes 
it had been a more perfect instrument, but thinks 
it the best that could be obtained. 

To Henry Knox, October, 1787 . ... 282 

Opposition to the Constitution; part of it is based 
on self-interest, another part may be overcome; bad 



xxii Contents 

PAGB 

effect of the refusal of Randolph and Mason to 
sign the Constitution. 

To Bushrod Washington, 10 November, 1787 . 284 
Opposition to the Constitution appeals to the fears 
rather than to the judgment of the people; the only- 
alternative to the adoption of the Constitution is 
disunion; if nine other States adopt the Constitu- 
tion, what should Virginia do; the Constitution not 
free from faults; under it the power will always 
be in the people. 

To Edmund Randolph, Governor of Virginia, 8 

January, 1788 288 

Opponents of the Constitution in the same State 
cannot agree in their principles; amendment of 
the Constitution before its adoption should not be 
attempted. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 7 February, 1788 . 290 
Seems miraculous that the delegates from so many 
different States should have been able to agree 
on a Constitution; the new instrument gives the 
government no more power than is essential; dis- 
tribution of power among the legislative, executive, 
and judiciary departments; suggestion of a second 
federal convention; the Constitution or anarchy. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 28 April, 1788 . . 293 
Trade with France; six States have adopted the 
Constitution; Virginia will probably adopt it; pro- 
posed amendments; eligibility of the President to 
re-election not a source of danger. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 18 June, 1788 . . 297 
The situation in France; character of the King; 
the Constitution still before the States; action of 
Maryland and South Carolina and probable action 
of New Hampshire, New York, and Virginia; ex- 
cellent condition of the country; future prospects. 

To Thomas Jefferson, 31 August, 1788 ... 300 
Merits and defects of the new Constitution; perils 
of the situation; adoption of the Constitution by 
eleven States; condition of the country. 



Contents xxiii 

IV 

STARTING THP: NEW GOVERNMENT 



PAGE 



To Alexander Hamilton, 3 October, 1788 . . 305 
Is aware that he has been spoken of for the 
presidency; desires to avoid the office; should he 
accept it, it would be with the expectation of soon 
resigning it; opponents of the Constitution would 
oppose his election. 

To Benjamin Lincoln, 26 October, 1788 ... 311 
Anxiety as to carrying the Constitution into effect; 
danger of premature amendments; his possible elec- 
tion to the presidency; his desire to avoid the 
office; the vice-presidency; he would find any one 
acceptable in that office who was acceptable to 
the States. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 29 January, 1780 . 317 

The elections have resulted favorably to the friends 
of the Constitution; his relation to the presidency; 
bright prospects for the country; progress of manu- 
factures; contrasts America with Europe. 

Inaugural Speech, 30 April, 1780 .... 320 
His reluctance in accepting the presidency; his 
lack of experience in civil administration; his recog- 
nition of the favor of Providence; his confidence 
in the ability and patriotism of Congress; liberty 
and republican government perhaps finally staked 
on the experiment of America; amendments of the 
Constitution; declines any salary for himself. 

Reply to the Answer of the Senate, 8 May, 1780 . 320 
Encouraged by the assurance of their support. 

Reply to the Answer of the House of Representa- 
tives, 8 May, 1780 328 

Grateful for their recognition of his past services. 

Speech to both Houses of Congress, 8 January, 

1700 , 328 

Adoption of the Constitution by North Carolina; 
success of the measures of the last session; recom- 
mends that provision be made for the national de- 



xxiv Contents 

PAGB 

fense; relations with the Indians; foreign relations; 
naturalization ; currency, weights, and measures ; en- 
couragement of inventions ; promotion of science and 
literature; provision for the public credit; reports 
from the heads of departments. 

To David Stuart, 28 March, 1790 .... 333 

Jealousies among the States; diversity of interests 
in the Union; the States less dangerous to each 
other in union than they would be in separation; 
inadequate newspaper reports of the proceedings 
of Congress; the Quaker memorial regarding 
slavery. 

To David Humphreys, 20 July, 1791 ... 337 
The condition of Spain; visit to the Southern 
States; prosperous condition of the country; grow- 
ing popularity of the new government; the excise 
law; the public credit; defense of the frontiers; site 
of the new capital; condition of Europe. 

To Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, 29 July, 1792 341 

Public sentiment as to the measures of the govern- 
ment; enumeration of the criticisms brought for- 
ward by the opponents of the government; asks 
Hamilton's opinion with regard to them. 

To Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General, 26 Au- 
gust, 1792 346 

Replies to the suggestion of a second term in the 
presidency; delays his decision; hopes to see a 
cessation of the abuse of public officers. 

To Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, 18 

October, 1792 . . ... 348 

Regrets the differences of opinion which separate 
Hamilton and Jefferson; urges an accommodation 
in the public interest. 

Second Inaugural Address, 4 March, 1793 . . 350 

To Henry Lee, Governor of Virginia, 21 July, 1793 350 
Gratified to be assured of public approval; abuse 
of public officials; where will it end? 



Contents xxv 



[.\.yj, 



To David Humphreys, 12 June, 1796 . 

Newspaper abuse; his conduct not influenced by 
it; anxious for retirement. 

To Thomas Jefferson, 6 July, 1796 ... 354 

Did not attribute attacks on him in Bache's paper 
to Jefferson; unscrupulous abuse; had received un- 
favorable reports of Jefferson's conduct; incredible 
party rancor. 

To Patrick Henry, 15 January, 1799 . . 357 

Partisan attempts to array the people against the 
government; action of the State of Virginia; elec- 
tions in Virginia; duty of good citizens to offer 
themselves as candidates for office; evils of civil 
discord; urges Henry to become a candidate either 
for Congress or the legislature of Virginia. 

V 

POLICIES AND OPINIONS 

1. Relations with Great Britain 

To Gouverneur Morris, 13 October, 1789 . . 365 
Asks him to ascertain unofficially the sentiments 
of the British ministry concerning the execution 
of the terms of the treaty of peace and the nego- 
tiation of a treaty of commerce. 

To Gouverneur Morris, 13 October, 1789 . . 366 
British objections to the performance of the treaty 
of peace are now removed; delivery of the frontier 
posts; return of the slaves; terms of a treaty of 
commerce; Britain's failure to send a minister to 
the United States; importance of Morris's mission. 

To John Jay, 30 August, 1794 .... 368 
The protest of the governor of Upper Canada; our 
difficulties with the Indians attributable to the acts 
of English agents; such acts, if not authorized by 
England, are not punished by her; under such cir- 
cumstances a friendly feeling toward Great Britain 
cannot be expected. 



xxvi Contents 

PAGE 

To Alexander Hamilton, 3 July, 1795 . . . 372 
Publication of the treaty of commerce with Eng- 
land; desires to obtain the dispassionate opinion 
of well-informed men; wishes to know how the 
treaty will affect American commerce with Eng- 
land; asks Hamilton's opinion. 

To the Selectmen of the Town of Boston, 28 July, 

1795 375 

His policy in public affairs; the treaty-making 
power. 

To Alexander Hamilton, 29 July, 1795 ... 380 

Opposition to the treaty with England; charge 
that it sacrifices American interests and violates 
obligations to France; attempts of France to keep 
America at variance with England; praises the 
papers of Camillus. 

To Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State, 29 July, 

1795 383 

How far opposition to the treaty may encourage 
France to believe that it is calculated to favor 
England at her expense; the most serious crisis 
that has arisen since the beginning of the govern- 
ment. 

To Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State, 31 July, 

1795 '.384 

Opposition to the treaty greater than was supposed; 
delicacy of America's relations with France and 
England; his own opinion is unchanged. 

To Gouverneur Morris, 22 December, 1795 . . 386 
His remissness in correspondence; Great Britain's 
repeal of the order for seizing American provision 
vessels; Col. Innes's report to the governor of Ken- 
tucky; American grievances against Great Britain; 
complaints well-founded; ungracious attitude of the 
British government towards the United States; 
all this makes it difficult for the executive to main- 
tain neutrality in the war between England and 
France; his policy is one of peace with all na- 
tions; British interests would be best served by 
a liberal policy towards America; his neutrality 



Contents xxvii 

PAGE 

policy has brought upon him much abuse; oppo- 
sition to the treaty with Great Britain; partisan 
use made of the treaty. 

2. The Treaty-making Power 

To the Secretaries of State, the Treasury, War, 

and the Attorney-General, 25 March, 1796 393 
Desires their opinions in writing as to whether he 
should comply with the request of the House of 
Representatives for the papers relating to the 
treaty of commerce with England. 

Message to the House of Representatives, 30 March, 

1796 395 

Careful consideration given to their request; not 
disposed to withhold any information which be- 
longs to them; nature of foreign negotiations; the 
papers asked for do not relate to any matter of 
which the House has cognizance; the treaty-making 
power is vested exclusively in the President and 
the Senate; the assent of the House to a treaty 
is not necessary; he declines to comply with their 
request. 

To Alexander Hamilton, 31 March, 1796 . . 400 
Thanks him for his prompt compliance with his 
request; three possible modes of procedure with 
reference to the request of the House for the 
papers relating to the British treaty; decided to re- 
sist the principle and prepared a message accord- 
ingly. 

To Edward Carrington, 1 May, 1796 ... 402 

The real voice of the people heard only on great 
occasions; purport of the request of the House for 
the papers relating to the British treaty, 

3. Neutrality 

To Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, 12 April, 

1793 ..;..., 404 

Outbreak of war between France and Great 
Britain; obligation of neutrality. 



xxviii Contents 

PAGE 

To the Secretaries and the Attorney-General, 18 

April, 1793 . 405 

Questions bearing upon the policy of the United 
States towards the war between France and Great 
Britain are submitted to the heads of departments 
for their consideration. 

Proclamation of Neutrality, 22 April, 1793 . . 408 

Rules adopted by the United States for the Pre- 
servation of its Neutrality, 4 August, 
1793 . . . . * . . , 409 

Speech to both Houses of Congress, 3 December, 

1793 411 

Outbreak of war in Europe; adoption of general 
rules of neutrality; further legislation necessary; 
the courts should be vested with additional juris- 
diction; the national defense. 

Message to Congress, 5 December, 1793. . . 414 
Hostile measures of the French government; pro- 
ceedings of the French minister, Genet; conse- 
quences of his measures; British orders against 
American commerce; relations with Spain. 

To Patrick Henry, 9 October, 1795 ... 418 
Vacancy in the office of Secretary of State; the 
post has been offered to others; it is offered to 
Henry; his policy is to keep the United States 
free from entanglements with other countries. 

To Timothv Pickering, Secretary of State, 25 

July, 1796 ..'.... 420 

French discontent on account of our commercial 
treaty with Great Britain has been misrepresented; 
the executive's plain duty is to preserve a strict 
neutrality. 

To James Monroe, 25 August, 1796 ... 421 
Wonders how a private letter of his should have 
fallen into the hands of the French Directory; 
nothing in it that need offend the French govern- 
ment; circumstances in which the letter was 
written; the substance of the letter to Morris is re- 
peated; his policy towards the French Revolution; 
his policy of strict neutrality. 



Contents xxix 

PAGE 

To David Stuart, 8 January, 1797 ... 424 
Effect of Adet's conduct on public opinion; de- 
signs of the French government; letter of Thomas 
Paine; policy of America towards France. 

To John Adams, President of the United States, 

4 July, 1798 428 

Improbability of an invasion of the United States; 
would assist in repelling an invasion; France de- 
ceived as to the situation in America; choice of 
general officers; appointment of the general staff. 

To John Adams, President of the United States, 

13 July, 1798 432 

Appointment as Lieutenant-General and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of all the Armies; conduct of the 
French Directory; acceptance of the command 
offered him; organization of the army. 

To James Anderson, 25 July, 1798 ... 434 
Resistance to France; the people aroused; reluc- 
tant to leave his retirement. 

To General Lafayette, 25 December, 1798 . . 436 
A party opposed to all the measures of the govern- 
ment; pretended partisans of France; efforts to 
preserve peace with France; offensive measures of 
France; the cause of them; disposition of the 
French Directory; relations of America with Great 
Britain; his withdrawal from his retirement; 
European politics. 

To Bryan, Lord Fairfax, 20 January, 1799 . . 441 
The conduct of France; armed resistance to France; 
tactics of the opposition in America; effect of 
their conduct. 

4. The Whiskey Insurrection 

To Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, 7 September, 1792 .... 444 

The insurrection in Western Pennsylvania; com- 
mends the measures adopted by the Secretary; the 
laws must be enforced ; the meeting at Pittsburg. 

To Burges Ball, 10 August, 1794 .... 44(5 
Desires to know what the people think of the 



XXX Contents 

PAGB 

insurrection in Western Pennsylvania and the meas- 
ures taken to suppress it. 

To Charles M. Thriiston, 10 August, 1794 . . 447 
Popular sentiment in Kentucky; benefits conferred 
on Kentucky by the general government; activity 
of the Democratic Societies; the insurrection in 
Western Pennsylvania; consequences of such out- 
breaks; opinion of General Morgan. 

To Henry Lee, Governor of Virginia, 26 August, 

1794 450 

Yiew taken by Virginia of the insurrection in 
Western Pennsylvania; public sentiment generally 
condemns the insurrection; the movement due to 
the Democratic Societies; their purposes. 

To Burges Ball, 25 September, 1794 ... 453 
Gratified by the spirit displayed by the militia; 
the insurrection in Western Pennsylvania due to 
the Democratic Societies; their effect on the public 
mind; instituted by Genet. 

To Major-General Daniel Morgan, 8 October, 

1794 ' ,455 

Will meet him at Fort Cumberland and if neces- 
sary will cross the mountains with the troops; 
factious spirit must be crushed; a minority not to 
be allowed to dictate to the majority. 

To Henry Lee, Commander-in-Cliief of the Militia 

Army, 20 October, 1794 .... 457 
Commends the army; importance of its service; 
soldiers to obey the laws. 

To John Jay, 1 November, 1794 . . . . 4G0 

The insurrection in Western Pennsylvania fortu- 
nate; influence of the Democratic Societies; spirit 
in which the insurrection was met; a full account 
of the matter to be given to Congress. 

Speech to both Houses of Congress, 19 November, 

1794 463 

The excise law; resistance offered by the people 
of Western Pennsylvania; inadequacy of the 
usual judicial procedure; the proclamation of 7 



Contents xxxi 

PAGE 

August, 1794; commissioners sent to confer with the 
insurgents; the summoning of the militia; the 
Governor of Virginia placed in command; neces- 
sary revision of the militia laws; indemnification 
of federal officers or other citizens who have been 
damaged by the insurrection; compensating fea- 
tures of the insurrection; devotion to the Constitu- 
tion. 

To Edmund Pendleton, 22 January, 1795 . . 472 
The suppression of the insurrection an evidence of 
the stability of republican institutions. 

5. The Settlement of the West 

To the President of Congress, 17 June, 1783 . . 473 
Transmits a petition from the army officers re- 
garding western lands; advantages of awarding 
lands to the soldiers of the Revolutionary War; 
the soldiers as settlers. 

To James Duane, 7 September, 1783 . . . 476 

Relations with the Indians; land-jobbers; princi- 
ples that should govern the settlement of the 
western lands; release of prisoners held by the 
Indians; Indians to be informed that America de- 
sired peace with them; a boundary between the 
white settlements and the Indians to be fixed; re- 
lations of New York with the Six Nations; advan- 
tages of his plan of settlement; necessity of 
appointing Indian agents; trade with the Indians; 
French settlers at Detroit; measures to attract 
their support; formation of new States; war with 
the Indians to be avoided. 

To Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia, 10 

October, 1784 486 

Best and easiest communications between Virginia 
and the country west of the Alleghenies; length of 
various trade routes radiating from Detroit; in- 
terests of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New 
York; jealousy between the different parts of Vir- 
ginia; interest of Virginia in improved communica- 
tions with the West; foreign powers bordering the 



xxxii Contents 

PAGE 

United States; western settlers attracted toward 
Spain by the navigation of the Mississippi; circum- 
stances now favor action by Virginia; necessary 
preliminary steps; proposed legislation; the naviga- 
tion of both the James and Potomac rivers should 
be improved; relation of Pennsylvania to the enter- 
prise; Rumsey's steamboat. 

To David Humphreys, 25 July, 1785 ... 498 
European politics; treaties with the Indians; pro- 
vision for new States; commercial connections with 
the western settlements; comparison of various 
routes; navigation of the Mississippi. 

To the Marquis de Lafayette, 25 July, 1785 . . 500 
Opening of the Ohio valley to immigrants; navi- 
gation of the James and Potomac rivers; im- 
portance of trade connection with the West. 

To Samuel Purviance, 10 March, 1786 ... 502 
The settlements on the Kanawha; nature of the 
country; trade routes to the West. 

To Henry Lee, 18 June, 1786 504 

The navigation of the Mississippi; trade between 
the Atlantic States and the West; commercial in- 
terests of the western settlers. 

To Richard Henry Lee, 19 July, 1787 ... 507 

The navigation of the Mississippi; its political 
bearing. 

To Richard Henderson, 19 June, 1788 ... 508 
Inducements to immigration; opportunities offered 
by America to thrifty and industrious persons; 
conditions of settlement on the frontiers; advan- 
tages offered by the West; books about America by' 
Franklin, Jefferson, Abbe Raynal, Guthrie, and 
Crevecoeur. 

6. Education 
To the Commissioners of the Federal District, 28 

January, 1795 512 

Plan for a national university in the federal city; 
objections to sending American youth abroad for 
education; the federal city the best site for a 



Contents xxxiii 

PAGE 

national university; gift for the establishment of 
such an institution. 

To Thomas Jefferson, 15 March, 1795 ... 513 

Endowment of a national university; reason for 
locating the institution at the national capital; 
discourages the project of the Geneva professors; 
disposition of his shares in the James River Com- 
pany. 

To Robert Brooke, Governor of Virginia, 16 

March, 1795 517 

Desires to devote his shares in the Potomac and 
James River Companies to some public object; his 
interest in education; need of a national university; 
offers his shares in the James River Company to 
a seminary in Virginia to be designated by the 
legislature of Virginia. 

To Alexander Hamilton, 1 September, 1796 . . 520 
Desires a section on education to be incorporated 
in the Farewell Address; uses of a national uni- 
versity; a means of promoting national unity; he 
has long contemplated such an institution. 

7. Slavery 

To Robert Morris, 12 April, 1786 .... 523 
Attempts of the Quakers to free slaves; unlawful- 
ness of their action; his own opposition to slavery; 
but one proper mode of abolishing it. 

VI 

THE FAREWELL ADDRESS 
To the People of the United States, 19 September, 

1796 531 

Announces that he will not accept a third term; 
his zeal for the public interest not diminished; his 
desire for retirement; public considerations now 
allow it; grateful for the honors conferred on him 
by the country; avails himself of the opportunity 
to offer his sentiments on various public ques- 
tions; unity of government is the main pillar of 



xxxiv Contents 

real independence; the name American to be 
cherished; mutual dependence of the East and the 
West, the North and the South; the union the 
best guarantee of peace with foreign nations; it 
preserves peace among the States; makes unneces- 
sary a large military establishment; let the union 
be thoroughly tested before it is abandoned; causes 
which may disturb the union; the union must 
be based on a government, not on alliances; obstruc- 
tions to the execution of the laws condemned; in- 
novations upon the principles of the government 
to be guarded against; changes in the government 
to be made deliberately; danger in undue party 
spirit; parties a means of establishing despotism; 
they enfeeble public administration; one department 
of the government should not encroach upon the 
authority of another; division of power necessary 
for the preservation of liberty; religion and moral- 
ity should be encouraged; they are the necessary 
supports of popular government; the public credit 
must be cherished; let it be used as sparingly as 
possible; good faith and justice towards all nations 
should be observed; antipathy towards or partial- 
ity for particular countries to be avoided; such 
feelings sacrifice the national interest; the people 
should be on guard against foreign influence; we 
should have as little political connection with 
other countries as possible; our distant situation 
invites us to such a policy; our interests different 
from those of Europe; existing engagements to be 
faithfully kept; our commercial relations should 
be marked by justice and impartiality; real favors 
from nation to nation not to be expected; fears 
that his counsel will not prevent his country from 
following the course of other countries; believes 
that he has been guided in his administration of 
the government by the principles here stated; his 
policy of neutrality; the right and the duty of 
this country to adopt such a policy; his predomi- 
nant motive in adopting it; after forty-five years 
of public service, he asks his countrymen to re- 
gard his mistakes with indulgence, and looks 
forward to the enjoyment in the midst of his fellow- 
citizens of the benign influence of good laws under 
a free government. 



Introduction 



Thomas Jefferson, who was not disposed to be 
any more favorable in his judgment of Washing- 
ton than the facts compelled him to be, says of 
him: 

" His was the singular destiny and merit, of leading 
the armies of his country successfully through an 
arduous war, for the establishment of its independence; 
of conducting its councils through the birth of a govern- 
ment, new in its forms and principles, until it had settled 
down into a quiet and orderly train ; and of scrupulously 
obeying the laws through the whole of his career, civil 
and military, of which the history of the world furnishes 
no other example." 

The circumstances of Washington's life were 
peculiarly happy, and his career singularly well- 
rounded and complete. Endowed by birth with 
influential social connections, placed early in life 
in affluent circumstances, his military services in 
the French and Indian War made him the most 
prominent American soldier of his day. When 
the colonists took up arms against Great Britain, 
his appointment as commander-in-chief of the 
American forces on both military and political 



xxxvi Introduction 

grounds was alike natural and inevitable. While 
he possessed a large measure of the public con- 
fidence at the beginning of the Revolution, the 
qualities which he displayed in the conduct of 
that struggle placed him among the great men 
of the world, and gave him a degree of influence 
with his countrymen that no other American has 
ever possessed. His experiences in the Revo- 
lution made him realize most keenly the necessity 
of a firmer union than was furnished by the 
Articles of Confederation, and long before in- 
dependence was assured, he sought to imbue others 
with his ambition for the establishment of a na- 
tional government which should be strong enough 
to maintain its authority, meet its obligations, and 
uphold the national dignity and honor. In the 
last days of the Confederation, when the bonds 
of union were slowly dissolving and something 
very like anarchy seemed inevitable, it was the 
weight of Washington's name, more than any 
other one factor, which led to the formation and 
adoption of the Constitution. And when the new 
government was ready to be put into operation, 
the election of Washington to the presidency was 
as natural as had been his appointment to the 
command of the army fourteen years before; 
while in the starting of the new government, his 
personal influence was as large a factor in its 
success as that influence had been in securing its 
adoption. It may be questioned whether any 
other American of his day could have overcome the 
bitter opposition which was offered to his policy of 



Introduction xxxvii 

neutrality in the war between England and France, 
to his treaty of commerce with Great Britain, 
and to his enforcement of the excise law in West- 
ern Pennsylvania. If it had been necessary to 
wage the war for independence without his mili- 
tary genius and unstinted devotion; if his influ- 
ence had been lacking in the effort of the few to 
establish an adequate government for the union; 
or if he had not stood sponsor for the great meas- 
ures which gave stability to the new government 
and a place of honor and dignity to the nation, 
it is difficult to believe that any one of these 
movements could have been brought to a success- 
ful conclusion. No other leader of modern times 
has conducted a people through such momentous 
changes, or placed his work on so permanent a 
foundation as did Washington. And he had the 
almost unique good fortune of living to witness 
the triumph of every great cause which he had 
advocated, while in the closing years of his life, 
removed from the animosities which every public 
career seems to entail, he received the veneration 
of the civilized world. 

Few public men have left so complete a record 
of their lives as has Washington. He began at an 
early period to keep copies of the letters which 
he wrote and to preserve all important papers which 
came into his hands. Every phase of his public 
life is amply recorded, not indeed with any pur- 
pose of leaving a record, but merely because the 
circumstances of his career were such that the 
transaction of the business of the day was in 



xxxviii Introduction 

itself a record. After the outbreak of the 
Revolution, however, Washington had a proper 
appreciation of the interest that his papers would 
have in the future, and he took ample precautions 
to see that they were preserved. 

It was the attempt of Great Britain to tax the 
colonies which set Washington upon a career 
ending in his becoming one of the most important 
figures in history. But for those ill-advised meas- 
ures, he might have lived and died a comparatively 
obscure colonial gentleman. He would have 
donned the King's uniform when there was need 
for it; he would probably have been elected with 
great regularity to the House of Burgesses of 
Virginia, and the time and energy not given to 
his public duties or to the cultivation of his plan- 
tations would no doubt have been given to some 
of those plans for the development of the country 
which occupied so much of his thoughts. But 
the enactment of the Stamp Act introduced him 
at once to a larger sphere, and from that time until 
his death his letters and other papers teem with 
comment and discussion occasioned by events of 
national and international importance. 

No man in America was more thoroughly aroused 
than he by the British measures for the taxation 
of the colonies, and his letters vividly reflect 
the feelings which those measures engendered. 
Writing to his agents in London and to his 
Tory neighbor Bryan Fairfax, he states the griev- 
ances of America in no uncertain tones, and in- 
dicates some of the consequences which the British 



Introduction xxxix 

policy would entail. He saw at once the bearing 
of the controversy on British commerce, and 
wrote to Francis Dandridge, in London, " The 
eyes of our people, already beginning to open, will 
perceive, that many luxuries, which we lavish our 
substance in Great Britain for, can well be dis- 
pensed with, whilst the necessaries of Hfe are 
(mostly) to be had within ourselves." And four 
years later, when other plans of taxation had been 
resorted to, he again advocated measures for 
" starving their trade and manufactures " ; and as 
the grievances of the colonies accumulated, his 
sense of injury and his determination to resist 
found indignant expression in letters to his 
loyalist friend and neighbor Bryan Fairfax. 
" The crisis is arrived," he wrote, " when we must 
assert our rights, or submit to every imposition, 
that can be heaped upon us, till custom and use 
shall make us as tame and abject slaves, as the 
blacks we rule over with such arbitrary sway." In 
the popular discussions of the time, he could not 
defend the rights of his countrymen with the elo- 
quence of James Otis, or Samuel Adams, or 
Patrick Henry, but he made the most eloquent of 
all speeches when he said, " I will raise one thou- 
sand men, enlist them at my own expense, and 
march myself at their head for the relief of 
Boston." 

There are many sources from which the story 
of the British attempt to tax America and the 
determination of the colonists to insist upon their 
rights can be learned, but for the history of the 



xl Introduction 

Revolutionary War, — its objects, the gradual 
growth of the idea of independence, the obstacles 
raised by inefficient military organization, by the 
mutual jealousies of the States, and by the weak- 
ness of the national government, the uncertainty of 
the assistance of our nominal allies, the discovery of 
treason in the ranks, the lack of funds, the failure 
of supplies, the practical cessation of enlistments, 
and the growth of a discontent among the troops 
which finally resulted in mutiny, — for all this there 
is no source which in authenticity, in vividness, and 
in completeness is at all comparable with the letters 
and official papers of Washington. The circum- 
stances under which he exercised his command 
and the questions with which he had to deal in- 
volved the preparation of papers which constitute 
a complete record of his connection with the war. 
For convenience the most important of them 
may be arranged in these groups, — letters to the 
President of Congress, appeals to the States, and 
letters to individuals. 

The first of the letters to the President of Con- 
gress was written from New York the week after 
his appointment as commander-in-chief, and from 
that time until he resigned his commission, he was 
in frequent, sometimes daily, communication with 
that body. Reporting to it as to a superior au- 
thority, his letters are filled with accounts of the 
state of the army, defects in its organization, the 
difficulty of obtaining food and clothing, com- 
plaints caused by the failure of Congress to pay 
the troops, and by the depreciation in the value 



Introduction xll 

of the continental currency, the gradual decline 
in enlistments, proposed movements of the troops, 
and important conflicts with the enemy. They 
are the most complete contemporary record that 
we possess of the conditions under which the 
Revolutionary War was carried on. The history 
of almost every phase of the military side of the 
contest could be written from these letters alone. 
His representations to Congress of the needs of 
his troops did not produce the desired results. 
That body was at best but the shadow of a govern- 
ment, and, as was to have been expected, was often 
divided in opinion as to the proper measures to 
be adopted. To meet his necessities Washington be- 
gan to appeal to the States. Sometimes he addressed 
the governors or provincial congresses singly. 
Sometimes he sent a circular letter to the States 
or to particular groups of them. As the Revo- 
lution proceeded, and the inability of Congress to 
meet the necessities of the army increased, appeals 
of this kind became more and more common. They 
are an illustration of the double task which rested 
upon Washington. He must not only train the 
armies and fight the battles of the Revolution, but 
more and more as the contest went on he was 
also obliged to provide the means for feeding and 
clothing and arming his men in order that they 
might remain in the field. The magnitude of his 
services to America in the Revolution cannot be 
exaggerated. The unintended testimony of his 
papers, as they were prepared from day to day 
in the transaction of the business of the moment. 



xlii Introduction 

is convincing evidence that without his unending 
patience, and his determined persistence, the war 
could not have been brought to a successful con- 
clusion. It cannot be charged that the American 
republic has been lacking in appreciation of Wash- 
ington. But on the other hand, it is certain that 
a perusal of his papers written while he was in 
command of the army, and particularly of those 
addressed to Congress and to the States, will show 
that there is ample justification for anything that 
may be said in praise of his services in the War 
for Independence. Washington was the Revo- 
lution. To him it appeared as a battle for human 
rights, and he made it appear in that light to 
others. He saw how the happiness of future 
generations was involved in it. Hence he refused to 
allow the indifference or negligence of some, or even 
the slanderous opposition and treason of others, 
to divert him from his course. Defeat did not 
dismay him. In reporting to Congress a disastrous 
repulse of his army, he could yet express the con- 
solatory hope that on another occasion we might 
have better fortune. Without his inspiring ex- 
ample of unselfishness and devotion, it is doubtful 
if local jealousies could have been sufficiently sub- 
dued to bring the various colonial forces together 
into a continental army. Without him that army 
certainly could not have been kept in the field. 
And year by year as he led his ragged troops 
into winter quarters with very little in the way 
of victory over the enemy to encourage them, he 
urged upon Congress and the States to begin at 



Introduction xHii 

once the preparations for another campaign, ap- 
parently taking it for granted that no matter how 
often his men were defeated or his armies disabled 
by slaughter, sickness, or desertion, the war must 
nevertheless go on until it had achieved its ob- 
ject. And of all this, we have in Washington's 
papers a vivid and indisputable record. We may 
join with Moses Coit Tyler in saying that no one 
can " ever hope to know the mind and conscience 
of our Revolution, its motive, its conduct, its stern 
and patient purpose, or its cost, without studying 
Washington's letters." 

In writing to Congress, Washington was neces- 
sarily placed under considerable restraint. Com- 
munications to that body were in the nature of 
public documents. They were read in Congress. 
They came to the knowledge of a considerable 
number of people. Many of them were given to 
the press. Hence their author was frequently 
obliged to write with reserve, in order that infor- 
mation damaging to the public interest might not 
be disclosed. To obviate this difficulty, a public 
letter to the President of Congress was frequently 
supplemented by a private one to the same official. 
Thus when Lafayette broached his plan for an 
invasion of Canada with a French army, Wash- 
ington saw at once the dangerous possibilities in- 
volved in the introduction of a body of French 
troops among the French population of Canada. 
His letter to the President of Congress, however, 
is devoted altogether to the military aspects of the 
enterprise and gives no hint of the real reasons 



xliv Introduction 

for his opposition. These are found in a private 
letter sent three days later {see post, p. 123). 
In communications to the States, even greater care 
and restraint were necessary, for the officials of 
the States were less responsible for the promotion 
of the common cause than was the Congress. 

This necessity for circumspection in what were 
virtually public letters gives added value to Wash- 
ington's more intimate communications to friends 
in whom he had confidence. Here he felt it safe 
to write with greater frankness, and these letters 
exhibit a freedom of expression and an absence 
of restraint which make them of particular interest 
to every student of the Revolutionary War. Here 
are statements as to the condition of the army 
and its dangerous situation which would never 
have found their way into any public document. 
Here also he felt at liberty to give vent to per- 
sonal feelings which he was usually careful to 
suppress in his more public communications. 

Among his correspondents while he was with 
the army were five with whom his exchange of 
letters was frequent and the tone of his own par- 
ticularly frank and unrestrained. The first of 
these was his favorite brother John Augustine 
Washington (1736-87), "the intimate companion 
of my youth and the friend of my ripened age." 
The correspondence with him during the early 
years of the war is especially valuable. It was to 
him that Washington wrote, March 31, 1776: 

" I believe I may with great truth affirm, that no man 



Introduction xlv 

perhaps since the first institution of armies ever com- 
manded one under more difficult circumstances, than I 
have done. . . . Many of my difficulties and distresses 
were of so peculiar a cast, that, in order to conceal them 
from the enemy, I was obliged to conceal them from my 
friends, and indeed from my own army, thereby sub- 
jecting my conduct to interpretations unfavorable to 
my character, especially by those at a distance, who 
could not in the smallest degree be acquainted with 
the springs that governed it." 

And again the General wrote his brother 
(November 19, 1776) : 

" I am wearied almost to death with the retrograde 
motion of things, and I solemnly protest, that a 
pecuniary reward of twenty thousand pounds a year 
would not induce me to undergo what I do; and after 
all, perhaps, to lose my character, as it is impossible 
under such a variety of distressing circumstances, to 
conduct affairs agreeably to public expectation, or even 
to the expectation of those, who employ me, as they 
will not make proper allowances for the difficulties their 
own errors have occasioned." 

Among his other correspondents during the war 
none enjoyed a larger share of his confidence than 
Joseph Reed, President of Pennsylvania. Wash- 
ington welcomed his criticism, and offered to him 
his own sentiments without the slightest reserve. 
It was to Reed that he wrote (28 November, 
1775) : 

" Such a dearth of public spirit, and want of virtue, 
such stock-jobbing, and fertility in all the low arts to 
obtain advantages of one kind or another, in this great 
change of military arrangement, T never saw before, 



xlvi Introduction 

and pray God 1 may never be witness to again. What 
will be the ultimate end of these manoeuvres is beyond 
my scan. I tremble at the prospect. . . . Could I have 
foreseen what I have, and am likely to experience, no 
consideration upon earth should have induced me to ac- 
cept this command. A regiment or any subordinate de- 
partment would have been accompanied with ten times 
the satisfaction, and perhaps the honor." 

And again, when depressed by circumstances 
which weighed upon him, it was to the same friend 
that he wrote: 

" I know — but to declare it, unless to a friend, may 
be an argument of vanity — the integrity of my own 
heart. I know the unhappy predicament I stand in ; I 
know that much is expected of me; I know, that with- 
out men, without arms, without ammunition, without 
anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little 
is to be done; and, which is mortifying, I know, that 
I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing 
my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by declaring 
my wants, which I am determined not to do, further 
than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted 
with them." 

During a very interesting period of the war, 
Washington wrote frequently to Gouverneur 
Morris, who while in Congress opened a friendly 
correspondence with the General, in the course of 
which they exchanged views with great freedom. It 
was at this period that Morris so established him- 
self in Washington's confidence as to lead to his 
selection in 1789 as the confidential agent to sound 
the government of Great Britain on the subject 
of a treatv of commerce. 



Introduction xlvii 

But among all his friends, the two who stood 
closest to him, who possessed the greatest share of 
his confidence, and who enlisted his personal affec- 
tion most deeply, were Lafayette and Hamilton. 
The youthful enthusiasm and chivalrous spirit with 
which the French boy entered the battle for Ameri- 
can independence appealed to the sensibilities of 
Washington, and aroused in him an affection for 
Lafayette which was a mingling of the love of a 
father with the attachment of friend for friend. 
His letters to Lafayette, of which there are many, 
reveal one of the most attractive phases of his 
character. In their mingling of frank comment 
on the events of the day with friendly gossip on 
matters of interest to the two families, they strongly 
suggest the correspondence of William III. with 
Bentinck, Earl of Portland. 

Hamilton also enjoyed the unlimited confidence 
of Washington. Like Lafayette, Hamilton was 
a mere boy when he entered the military service. 
Like Lafayette, he was at Washington's side in 
some of the most important battles of the Revo- 
lution, and again like Lafayette, Washington re- 
garded him almost in the light of a son. He bore 
with his faults. He appreciated his great abilities. 
In 1781, he wrote of him: 

" How far Colo. Hamilton, of whom you ask my opin- 
ion as a financier, has turned his thoughts to that 
particular study, I am unable to ansr., because I never 
entered upon a discussion of this i)oint with him. But 
I can venture to advance, from a thorough knowledge 
of him, that there are few men to be found, of his 



xlviii Introduction 

age, who has a more general knowledge than he pos- 
sesses; and none, whose soul is more firmly engaged in 
the cause, or who exceeds him in probity and sterling 
virtue." 

The public careers of Washington and Hamilton 
were passed side by side. They served together 
during a large part of the Revolution. They 
worked together in bringing about the formation 
and adoption of the Constitution. And when 
Washington was called to the Presidency, Hamil- 
ton was associated with him as his most trusted 
adviser. His letters to Hamilton are among the 
most valuable of his papers. 

Washington's services during the Revolutionary 
War did not surpass in importance his services in 
bringing about the formation and adoption of the 
Constitution. Early in the war he saw that the 
national government was not endowed with ade- 
quate powers, and that the jealousy or inactivity 
of the States prevented an effective exercise of 
those that it had. He was in a better position 
than any one else, except possibly Robert Morris, 
to appreciate the defects of the government of the 
Confederation, for, as he wrote to Hamilton, " no 
man perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more 
sensibly; for to the defects thereof, and want of 
powers in Congress, may justly be ascribed the 
prolongation of the war, and consequently the ex- 
penses occasioned by it. More than half the per- 
plexities I have experienced in the course of my 
command, and almost the whole of the difficulties 
and distress of the army, have their origin here." 



Introduction xlix 

He realized also the great danger that the weak- 
ness of the Confederation would result in the 
dissolution of the union. " I do not conceive," 
he wrote to Jay, " we can exist long as a nation 
without having lodged somewhere a power, which 
will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a 
manner as the authority of the State governments 
extends over the several States." Long before 
he resigned his command, but much more so after 
he retired to Mt. Vernon, all his letters, to quote 
his own words, " teem with these sentiments." 
]Mt. Vernon became the centre of the agitation 
for the reform of the Confederation. In letters 
sent to Knox in Massachusetts, to Jay and Hamil- 
ton in New York, to McHenry in Maryland, to 
JNIason and INIadison, Henry and Jefferson in 
Virginia, he set forth the urgency of the need of 
a stronger government, and through these and 
other correspondents his opinions penetrated every 
part of the Union. As the history of the Revo- 
lutionary War can be traced largely in his papers, 
so also his correspondence is an invaluable source 
for all who would comprehend the movement 
which led up to the Convention of 1787. Much 
against his will, but moved by a " conviction that 
our affairs were fast verging toward ruin," he 
consented to serve as one of the representatives 
of Virginia in that body. And when the Con- 
stitution was formulated and submitted to the 
States, all his influence was used to obtain its 
adoption. A visitor at Mt. Vernon in October, 
1787, wrote, " I never saw him so keen for any- 



1 Introduction 

thing in my life as he is for the adoption of the new 
scheme of government." He regarded the con- 
test for the ratification of the instrument as the 
last chance that America was likely to have to 
realize national greatness. " Without an altera- 
tion in our political creed," he wrote to Madison, 
" the superstructure we have been seven years in 
raising, at the expense of so much treasure and 
blood, must fall. We are fast verging to anarchy 
and confusion." 

As soon as it became apparent that the new 
Constitution would be accepted by a sufficient 
number of States to insure its being put into opera- 
tion, several of Washington's correspondents, es- 
pecially Hamilton, began to suggest to him the 
probability of his being called to the Presidency. 
His letters for a period of several months reveal 
his disinclination to accept the office and his dis- 
trust of his ability to discharge its duties creditably. 
He urged his lack of experience in civil affairs, 
his ignorance of law, and his increasing years. 
But his interest in establishing a firm union of the 
States under a government of adequate powers was 
so great that he finally yielded to the appeals which 
came to him from every State, and entered upon 
the discharge of new tasks equal in importance to 
any that he had previously met. The work which 
he had begun as commander of the army in the 
War for Independence, and as the chief influence 
in achieving the formation and adoption of the 
Constitution, he was now to complete in the office 
of chief magistrate. 



Introduction H 

The labors of Washington in the organization 
and administration of the government are recorded 
in his own writings with much less completeness 
than are the other great aspects of his career. 
During the Revolutionary War the circumstances 
of his command required the daily preparation of 
numerous letters to the President of Congress, to 
the governors of the States, to various officials, 
friends, and relatives, so that there is hardly a 
phase of that contest which is not pictured in his 
correspondence. The movement for the reform 
of the government likewise drew its inspiration 
chiefly from him, and the reasons for it, the ob- 
stacles that impeded it, and its final achievement 
are amply recorded in his letters. But while in 
the Presidency, he was in such constant contact 
with his advisers, and so much of the work of the 
day was carried out through the members of his 
cabinet, that there was less need for him to resort 
to writing himself. His papers therefore offer a 
much less complete record of his eight years at the 
head of the nation than of the eight years which 
he spent in the field, or the six years which in- 
tervened between his retirement from the army 
and his inauguration as President. For a full 
explanation of the great policies wdth which his 
administration of the government is identified, — 
the enforcement of neutrality, the organization of 
the national finances, the conclusion of a treaty of 
commerce with England, and the suppression of 
the Whiskey Insurrection, — the writings of Wash- 
ington must be supplemented by those of his 



Hi Introduction 

associates, particularly by those of Hamilton and 
Jefferson. 

When Washington became President, he in- 
herited from the government of the Confederation 
a series of disagreements with England growing 
out of the flagrant violations of the treaty of 
peace by both parties to it, and made the more 
difficult of settlement because England would 
neither send a minister to the United States nor 
agree to a treaty of commerce. Before the arrival 
of his Secretary of State, Washington began in- 
formal negotiations through Gouvemeur Morris 
for the removal of these obstacles to friendly inter- 
course. His letters to Morris and later to John 
Jay, whom he sent to London as a special envoy, 
set forth the principles which he thought should 
govern our relations with the mother country. 
His early letters to Morris show much of the skill 
of a practised diplomat, while his later letter of 
December 22, 1795, is a comprehensive statement 
of the whole of the American case against Great 
Britain. 

Closely associated with the questions growing 
out of our relations with Great Britain was Wash- 
ington's policy of neutrality. He had long been 
impressed by the peculiar advantages possessed 
by America for observing a strict neutrality in 
her relations with the countries of Europe. More 
than a year before he became President, he had 
argued for the adoption of the new Constitution 
because in the war which then threatened between 
France and England, America would surely be- 



Introduction liii 

come involved " unless there is energy enough in 
Government to restrain our people within proper 
bounds." When the threatened war came, he 
used the energy of the new government both to 
" restrain our people within proper bounds " and 
to establish the principle of neutrality as a part 
of the system of international law. His writings 
give a more comprehensive view of his neutrality 
policy than of any other measure of his adminis- 
tration. In his message to Congress, and in 
many of his letters he states the principle which 
guided his conduct toward England and France, 
while in the Farewell Address he reiterates it as 
a rule which should become a part of the national 
policy. 

Before his accession to the Presidency, Washing- 
ton had given much thought to the development 
of the West and the establishment of commercial 
ties by which it could be firmly knit to the East. 
By far his most important utterance on this sub- 
ject, and one of the most important of all his 
writings, is his letter to Governor Harrison of 
October 10, 1784. " The suggestions of Wash- 
ington in his letter to the governor," says Irving, 
" and his representations during this visit to 
Richmond, gave the first impulse to the great 
system of internal improvements since pursued 
throughout the United States." The people of 
the States bordering the Atlantic have in general 
manifested little appreciation of the political, so- 
cial, and economic development of the West, and 
of its relative importance in the development of 



liv Introduction 

the country as a whole. The statesmanship of 
Washington is nowhere more clearly displayed 
than in his perception of the possibilities of the 
great region beyond the mountains. 

Most of the writings of Washington are merely 
the papers involved in the current transactions of 
the day. Three of his papers, however, occupy a 
distinctive place, and possess peculiar claims to 
our interest and notice. These are his Address 
to the Officers at Newburgh, his Letter to the Gov- 
ernors on Disbanding the Army, and his Farewell 
Address. 

These three papers have one feature in com- 
mon, — all of them relate to civil affairs. They 
reveal the statesmanship rather than the military 
skill of their author. The first, while addressed 
to the officers of the army, is an appeal to them as 
citizens rather than as soldiers. Its purpose is to 
deter them from tarnishing the fam^ which they 
have won under arms by any unlawful action 
against the civil authorities. The success of 
Washington's appeal on this occasion was due to 
the quality to which so much of his success as a 
general must be attributed, — namely, his mastery 
of men and his ability to inspire confidence. In 
directness and simplicity of language, in cogency 
of argument, in skill in answering the insinuations 
contained in the Anonymous Adresses, and in 
emotional appeal to the patriotism of the assem- 
bled officers, this address is the best of all of 
Washington's writings. 

The Circular Letter to the Governors was the 



Introduction Iv 

first clear revelation to the American people of 
Washington's qualities as a statesman. This aspect 
of his character had already been discerned by some 
of those who had been brought into close contact 
with him. We know from Patrick Henry how 
the extent of his information and the soundness 
of his judgment had impressed his associates in 
the First Continental Congress. His correspond- 
ents during the war must also have seen that he 
was much more than a skilful soldier. But Wash- 
ington was neither an orator nor a pamphleteer. 
The avenues to public notice which had been open 
to John and Samuel Adams, to Hamilton, Henry, 
and Jefferson, and which had made the people 
acquainted with these men, were closed to him. 
His comprehensive and well-reasoned Letter to the 
Governors, devoted altogether to the questions of 
civil polity which then confronted the country, 
must have occasioned surprise in the minds of 
those who had thought of him only as the devoted 
patriot and skilful general who had conducted their 
armies to victory. In this Letter he showed that 
his statesmanship was not inferior to his general- 
ship, and the public accorded instant recognition 
of the fact. The addresses adopted by the several 
State legislature in reply to the Letter and con- 
temporary comment upon it show that in laying 
down the command of the army Washington 
merely exchanged military for civil leadership. 
His release from the toils of the camp enabled 
him to devote himself to the more difficult problem 
of providing a government for the new nation. 



Ivi Introduction 

By far the best known of Washington's writ- 
ings, although not intrinsically the best, is the 
Farewell Address to the People of the United 
States. This occupies a unique place in history. 
No analogy to it can be found in the annals of 
other countries. It contains nothing strikingly 
original. It sets forth no new political principles. 
It does not stir the emotions nor arouse the imagi- 
nation. It is not particularly distinguished by 
aptness of phraseology. It contains no maxims 
which have entered into the speech of the people. 
It is not the appeal of a great leader to his fol- 
lowers, summoning them to rally about him in 
defence of his policies, for its author was just 
terminating his public career. Unlike the Declara- 
tion of Independence, the only document in Ameri- 
can history which can compare with it in influence, 
it was not sent out to the world bearing the en- 
dorsement of the nation. With none of those 
elements which usually lend importance to a state 
paper, it has nevertheless become a political classic. 
All its importance is derived from the fact that 
it is " the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend," and that the friend in question was 
George Washington. Regard for its author and 
confidence in his judgment and integrity are the 
foundation of its authority. 

The counsel offered in the Farewell Address, like 
that offered in the Circular Letter to the Gover- 
nors, met with immediate acceptance. Writing 
from The Hague of the election of 1796, before 
the result of it was known to him, John Quincy 



Introduction Ivii 

Adams said, "It is yet very uncertain how it will 
turn. — Nor do I believe it material. — From the 
reception of the President's address all over the 
Continent, judge whether any successor would 
dare or could effect a total departure from his 
system of administration." (J. Q. Adams to S. 
Bourne, February 1, 1797.) Its influence, how- 
ever, has not been temporary. In most of the 
great national controversies over questions of public 
policy, its authority has been invoked, — and not in- 
frequently by the opposite parties to the same con- 
troversy. Its beneficent influence as a political 
force both conservative and uplifting is incalcu- 
lable. It is not the least of the debts which a 
grateful country owes to Washington. 

Washington belonged to a generation of states- 
men famous for their literary abilities. Among 
them were Franklin, a master of the resources of 
the English tongue; Hamilton, whose language 
reflected the lucidity of his mind; Jefferson, whose 
great polemic, the Declaration of Independence, 
is a model of its kind; Patrick Henry and Samuel 
Adams, masters of forensic eloquence, and Gouver- 
neur Morris, whose crisp phrases are preserved in 
the clauses of the Constitution. Compared with 
these Washington can make but a poor showing 
in point of literary style. Indeed much of his 
writing suffers when judged by any standard of 
literary excellence. Even his spelling was various 
and uncertain. Many of his sentences, in their 
elephantine dignity, reflect the stateliness of their 
author's personal bearing. Involved and complex. 



Iviii Introduction 

it is frequently difficult, sometimes even impossible, 
to discover their meaning, while instances are not 
wanting in which Washington says directly the 
contrary of what he obviously intended to say. 
On the other hand, his writings are filled with 
passages marked by a noble simplicity of style 
which would have been creditable to any of his 
contemporaries. This is particularly conspicuous in 
his two notable speeches, the address to the officers 
at Newburgh, and his address to Congress on re- 
signing his commission. 

In power of vivid narrative, also, he was not 
lacking. His reports to Congress of the great 
events in which he was engaged are, in general, 
all that they ought to be in point of straightfor- 
ward description and rehearsal of facts. In his 
private letters, to the preparation of which he 
could give less care, his power of concise state- 
ment is even more conspicuous. His letter (July 
4, 1778) to his favorite brother, in which he de- 
scribes the situation at the battle of Monmouth 
when he found General Lee in full retreat, is an 
example of this. He writes: 



" Before this will have reached you, the account of 
the battle of Monmouth will probably get to Virginia; 
which, from an unfortunate and bad beginning, turned 
out a glorious and happy day. . . . 

" General Lee, having the command of the van of the 
army, consisting of full five thousand chosen men, was 
ordered to begin the attack next morning, so soon as 
the enemy began their march; to be supported by me; 
but, strange to tell! when he came up with the enemy, 



Introduction lix 

a retreat commenced; whether by his order, or from 
other causes, is now the subject of inquiry, and con- 
sequently improper to be descanted upon, as he is in 
arrest, and a court-martial sitting for trial of him. 
A retreat, however, was the fact, be the causes as they 
may; and the disorder arising from it would have 
proved fatal to the army, had not that bountiful Provi- 
dence, which has never failed us in the hour of dis- 
tress, enabled me to form a regiment or two (of those 
that were retreating) in the face of the enemy and 
under their fire; by which means a stand was made 
long enough (the place through which the enemy were 
pursuing being narrow,) to form the troops, that were 
advancing upon an advantageous piece of ground in the 
rear. Here our affairs took a favorable turn, and, from 
being pursued, we /3rove the enemy back over the ground 
they had followed, and recovered the field of battle, and 
possessed ourselves of their dead. But as they retreated 
behind a morass very difficult to pass, and had both 
flanks secured with thick woods, it was found imprac- 
ticable with our men, fainting with fatigue, heat, and 
want of water, to do anything more that night. In the 
morning we expected to renew the action; when, behold, 
the enemy had stole off as silent as the grave in the 
night, after having sent away their wounded. Getting 
a night's march of us, and having but ten miles to a 
strong post, it was judged inexpedient to follow them 
any further, but move towards the North River, lest 
they should have any design upon our posts here. 

" We buried 245 of their dead on the field of action ; 
they buried several themselves, and many have been 
since found in the woods, where, during the action, they 
had drawn them to, and hid them. We have taken five 
officers and upwards of one hundred prisoners, but the 
amount of their wounded we have not learnt with any 
certainty; according to the common proportion of four 
or five to one, these should be at least a thousand or 
1200. Without exaggeration, their trip through the 



Ix Introduction 

Jerseys, in killed, wounded, prisoners, and deserters, has 
cost them at least 2000 men of their best troops. We had 
60 men killed, 132 wounded, and about 130 missing, 
some of whom I suppose may yet come in. Among our 
slain officers is Major Dickinson and Captain Fauntleroy, 
two very valuable ones." 

Washington was a man of strong feeling, and 
when under the influence of it he could express 
himself with a vividness of language which has 
made some of his phrases classic. The gov- 
ernment of the country under the Articles of 
Confederation is inseparably associated with his 
description of it as " a half -starved, limping gov- 
ernment, that appears to be always moving 
upon crutches, and tottering at every step." A 
whole system of political philosophy is summed 
up in the words, " Influence is no government," 
while the indifference of the public to the distresses 
of the army brought out this bit of sarcastic 
conmient : 

" The army as usual is without pay, and a great part 
of the soldiery without shirts; and tho' the patience of 
them is equally threadbare, it seems to be a matter 
of small concern to those at a distance. In truth, if 
one was to hazard an opinion for them on this sub- 
ject, it would be, that the army having contracted a 
habit of encountering distress and difficulties, and of 
living without money, it would be injurious to it, to 
introduce other customs." 

At times he produces a passage of striking elo- 
quence. Jefferson himself could not indict the 
British government in arguments more cogently 



Introduction Ixi 

phrased, or more logically arranged, or marshalled 
in more imposing array, than are to be found in 
this famous paragraph: 

" If every man was of my mind, the ministers of 
Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon what 
issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived 
by artful declarations, nor specious pretences; nor 
would I be amused by unmeaning propositions; but in 
open, undisguised, and manly terms proclaim our wrongs, 
and our resolution to be redressed. I would tell them, 
that we had borne much, that we had long and ardently 
sought for reconciliation upon honorable terms, that it 
had been denied us, that all our attempts after peace 
had proved abortive, and had been grossly misrepresented, 
that we had done everything which could be expected 
from the best of subjects, that the spirit of freedom 
beat too high in us to submit to slavery, and that, if 
nothing else could satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical 
ministry, we are determined to shake oflf all connexions 
with a state so unjust and unnatural. This I would 
tell them, not under covert, but in words as clear as 
the sun in its meridian brightness." 

But perhaps the most important, certainly one 
of the most interesting aspects of Washington's 
writings is their revelation of the man. No char- 
acter in American history has suffered so greatly 
from overmuch adulation as has he. The Weems 
tradition has taken such firm root and has grown 
so much that Washington has come to be regarded 
somewhat as a force of nature, — majestic, inex- 
plicable, unhuman. To suggest that he might be 
judged by the canons applied to his associates, — 
that he was made of such stuff as other men are 



Ixii Introduction 

made of, — that he had traits of character which 
were not wholly admirable, — even to hint at these 
things is still regarded b}^ many as a desecration of 
his memory. Yet a perusal of his writings, while 
not detracting in the least from the great qualities 
which make him unique, shows that he was not 
free from faults and foibles. His constant pro- 
fession of the purity of his intentions and his zeal 
for the public interest, as well as his reiterations 
of the hardships of his position, seem pedantic and 
tiresome, and are relieved only by our conviction 
of his absolute sincerity. His proneness to give 
advice both to individuals and to the country was 
in many quarters resented, and in any other man 
would have been unbearable. His high temper 
flashes out even in his letters, and must have 
found frequent expression in the trials of his 
daily intercourse with men. In serving the public 
he was not so visionary or devoted to the country 
as to be unwilling to specify the conditions upon 
which his services could be had. He was not above 
dissembling, as is shown in his correspondence with 
Jefferson, whose professions of devotion he pre- 
tended to accept, while acknowledging to others 
that he was not deceived thereby. 

On the other hand, Washington's writings re- 
flect with equal clearness the great qualities which 
made him the most revered figure in American life. 
His stalwart resistance to the encroachments of 
the British government; his absolute devotion of 
his life and fortune to the cause of independence 
when he became convinced that independence alone 



Introduction Ixiii 

would secure the rights of America; his courage 
in the midst of disaster; his persistence in the face 
of opposition and divided counsels and insufficient 
support; his patience under trials that would have 
driven a lesser man to abandon the contest ; his lofty 
view of what the Revolution meant both for those 
engaged in it and for future generations; his 
steadfast battle for a national government and his 
endeavor to give that government a respectable 
standing, both at home and abroad, — all this shines 
forth in his writings with unmistakable clearness. 
Especially do they reveal the great moral qualities 
which were most strongly marked in his character, 
and which were the basis of his career. Whether 
in the management of his private business or in 
the direction of public enterprises, whether leading 
the army or presiding over the administration 
of the government, his action was determined by 
principles which might well be adopted as universal 
standards of conduct, and which cannot be better 
stated than in his own words: 

" I must recommend to you what I endeavor to prac- 
tise myself, patience and perseverance." 

" There is but one straight course, and that is to seek 
truth and pursue it steadily." 



Chronology 



[In this table events with which Washington was not im- 
mediately connected are printed in italics.] 

1732, Feb. 22. Birth of George Washington at Bridge's 
Creek, Westmoreland County, Virginia. 

1751, Appointed major in the Virginia militia. 

1753, Sent by Governor Dinwiddie as a commis- 

sioner to protest against French encroach- 
ments in the Ohio Valley. 

1754-1763, The French and Indian War. 

1754, April 2, Washington set out from Alexandria with two 

companies. 

1755, Appointed colonel on the staff of General 

Braddock. 

1755, July 9, Defeat and death of General Braddock. 

Aug. 14, Washington appointed commander of all the 
Virginia forces. 

1758, December, Resigns his commission. 

1759, Jan. 6, Marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis. 
1759-1774, Member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 

1774, Sept. 5, Member of the First Continental Congress. 

1775, April 19, Battle of Lexington and Concord. 

May 10, Member of the Second Continental Congress. 
Ixv 



Ixvi Chronology 

June 15, Appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Conti- 
nental Army. 
June 17, Battle of Bunker Hill. 
July 3, Assumes command of the army at Cambridge, 

1776, March 17, Capture of Boston. 

July 4, The Declaration of Independence. 

Aug. 27, Battle of Long Island. 

Aug. 29, Retreat from Long Island. 

Sept. 12, Retreat from New York. 

Oct. 28, Battle of White Plains. 

Nov. and Dec, Retreat across New Jersey. 

December 12, Congress vests Washington with dictatorial 

powers. 
Dec. 26, Battle of Trenton. 

1777, Jan. 3, Battle of Princeton. 
Sept. 11, Battle of Brandywine. 
Oct. 4, Battle of Germantown. 

Oct. 17, Surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga. 
December, Winter camp established at Valley Forge. 

1778, Feb. 6, Alliance made with France. 
June 28, Battle of Monmouth. 

Dec. 29, The British capture Savannah. 

Capture of Stony Point. 

The British capture Charleston. 
Capture of Major Andre. 

Surrender of Lord Cornwallis. 

Preliminary articles of peace with Great 
Britain signed. 

Formal cessation of hostilities in America. 
The Newburg Addresses. 
Cessation of hostilities proclaimed in the 

American camp. 
Washington's Circular Letter to the Govern- 
ors on disbanding the army. 
Treaty of Paris and Versailles. 



1779, 


July 16, 


1780, 


May 12, 




Sept. 23. 


1781, 


Oct. 19, 


1782, 


Nov. 30, 


1783, 


Jan. 20, 




March, 




April 19, 




June 8, 




Sept. 3, 



Chronology Ixvii 

1783, Nov. 25, Evacuation of New York. 

Dec. 23, Washington resigns his commission. 

1785, March 28, The Mt. Vernon Conference. 

1786, September, The Annapolis Convention. 

1787, May 14, Delegate to the Federal Convention at Phila- 

delphia. 

May 25, Elected president of the Federal Convention. 

Sept. 17, The Constitution adopted by the Federal Con- 
vention. 

1789, April 6, Congress counts the electoral votes and finds 
that Washington is unanimously elected 
President. 

April 30, Washington inaugurated. 

1792, December, Washington unanimously re-elected. 

1796, Sept. 19, Washington's Farewell Address is published. 

1797, March 4, Washington retires to private life. 

1798, July 2, Washington appointed to command the army 

in the threatened war with France. 

1799, Dec. 14, Death of Washington at Mt. Vernon. 



Washington's Cabinet 

Secretary of State 

John Jay, of New York, ad interim, to March 21, 1790. 

Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, March 22, 1790, to December 31, 
1793. 

Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, January 2, 1794, to August 20, 
1795. 

Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania, (Secretary of War,) ad 
interim, August 20 to December 9, 1795 ; regular appoint- 
ment, December 10, 1795, to May 12, 1800. 

Secretary of the Treasury 

Alexander Hamilton, of New York, September 11, 1789, to Jan- 
uary 31, 1795. 

Oliver Wolcott, Jr., of Connecticut, February 2, 1795, to De- 
cember 31, 1800. 

Secretary of War 

Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, September 12, 1789, to December 
31, 1794. 

Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania, January 2, 1795, to Feb- 
ruary 5, 1796. 

James McHenry, of Maryland, February 6, 1796, to May 31, 
1800. 

A ttorney-General 

Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, February 2, 1790, to January 2, 
1794. 

William Bradford, o.f Pennsylvania, January 29, 1794, to August 
23, 1795. 

Charles Lee, of Virginia, December 10, 1795, to March 3, 1801. 

Ixix 



In the British Army and Colonial 
Councils 

The winged years that winnow praise and blame 
Blow many names out: they but fan to flame 
The self-renewing splendors of thy fame. 

James Russell Lowell. 



I 

In the British Army and Colonial 
Councils 



TO GOVEENOR DINWIDDIE 

Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755. 

HoNBL. Sir, 

As I am favored with an opportunity, I should 
think myself inexcusable was I to omit giving you 
some account of our late engagement with the 
French on the Monongahela, the 9th instant.^ 

We continued our march from Fort Cumberland 
to Frazier's (which is within 7 miles of Duquesne) 
without meeting any extraordinary event, having 

1 The rivalry between France and England for the possession 
of North America finally culminated in the French and Indian 
War, One of the first operations of this war was the despatch 
of an expedition under Major-General Braddock, a British 
officer who had seen forty years' service, for the reduction of 
Fort Duquesne. The expedition was made up of British regu- 
lars and colonial militia, and Washington accompanied it as 
an officer on Braddock's staff with the rank of colonel. Both 
Franklin, who was then postmaster-general, and Washington 
repeatedly warned Braddock of the dangers of a campaign in 
a frontier wilderness against an army of savages. But their 
advice was not heeded and the expedition marched into the 
very kind of trap that Washington had foreseen. Franklin 
gives a very interesting account of his visit to Braddock in his 
Autobiography. 



4 George Washington 

only a straggler or two picked up by the French 
Indians. When we came to this place, we were 
attacked (very unexpectedly) by about three 
hundred French and Indians. Our numbers con- 
sisted of about thirteen hundred well armed men, 
chiefly Regulars, who were immediately struck 
with such an inconceivable panick, that nothing but 
confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed 
among them. The officers, in general, behaved 
with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly 
suffered, there being near 60 killed and wounded — 
a large proportion, out of the number we had! 

The Virginia companies behaved like men and 
died hke soldiers; for I believe out of three com- 
panies that were on the ground that day scarce 
thirty were left alive. Capt. Peyroney and all his 
officers, down to a corporal, were killed; Captn. 
Poison had almost as hard a fate, for only one of 
his escaped. In short, the dastardly behaviour of 
the Regular troops (so-called) exposed those who 
were inclined to do their duty to almost certain 
death; and, at length, in despite of every effort to 
the contrary, broke and ran as sheep before hounds, 
leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, bag- 
gage, and, in short, everything a prey to the enemy. 
And when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes 
of regaining the ground and what we had left upon 
it, it was with as little success as if we had at- 
tempted to have stopped the wild bears of the moun- 
tains, or rivulets with our feet ; for they would break 
by, in despite of every effort that could be made 
to prevent it. 



Governor Dinwiddie 5 

The General [Braddock] was wounded in the 
shoulder and breast, of which he died three days 
after; his two aids-de-camp were both wounded, 
but are in a fair way of recovery; Colo. Burton and 
Sr. John St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope 
will get over it ; Sir Peter Halket, with many other 
brave officers, were killed in the field. It is sup- 
posed that we had three hundred or more killed; 
about that number we brought off wounded, and 
it is conjectured (I believe with much truth) that 
two thirds of both received their shot from our own 
cowardly Regulars, who gathered themselves into 
a body, contrary to orders, ten or twelve deep, 
would then level, fire and shoot down the men be- 
fore them. 

I tremble at the consequences that this defeat 
may have upon our back settlers, who, I suppose, 
will all leave their habitations unless there are 
proper measures taken for their security. 

Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, in- 
tends, as soon as his men are recruited at this place, 
to continue his march to Philadelphia for winter 
quarters: consequently there will be no men left 
here, unless it is the shattered remains of the Vir- 
ginia troops, who are totally inadequate to the pro- 
tection of the frontiers. * * * 



TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON 

Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755. 
Dear Brother, 

As I have heard, since my arrival at this place. 



6 George Washington 

a circumstantial account of my death and dying 
speech, I take this early opportunity of contra- 
dicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have 
not as yet composed the latter. But, by the all- 
powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been 
protected beyond all human probability and ex- 
pectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, 
and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, 
altho' death was levelling my companions on every 
side of me! 

We have been most scandalously beaten by a 
trifling body of men, but fatigue and want of time 
will prevent me from giving you any of the details, 
until I have the happiness of seeing you at Mount 
Vernon, which I now most ardently wish for, since 
we are drove in thus far. A weak and feeble state 
of health obliges me to halt here for two or three 
days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby 
be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease. 
You may expect to see me there on Saturday or 
Sunday se'-night, which is as soon as I can well be \ 
down, as I shall take my Bullskin Plantations in j 
my way. Pray give my compliments to all my' 
friends. I am, dear Jack, your most affectionate 
brother. 



TO MRS. MARTHA CUSTIS 



July 20, 1758. 

We have begun our march for the Ohio. A 
courier is starting for Williamsburg, and I em- 
brace the opportunity to send a few words to one 



Francis Dandridge 7 

whose life is now inseparable from mine. Since 
that happy hour when we made our pledges to each 
other, my thoughts have been continually going to 
you as another Self. That an all-powerful Provi- 
dence may keep us both in safety is the prayer of 
your ever faithful and affectionate friend.^ 



TO FEANCIS DANDRIDGE, LONDON 

Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1765. 

Sir, 

* * * At present few things are under notice 
of my observation that can afford you any amuse- 

1 In the summer of 1758, Washington accompanied an ex- 
pedition under General Forbes which crossed the mountains 
for the purpose of expelling the French from the Ohio valley. 
As the latter were greatly outnumbered and were being deserted 
by their Indian allies, they set fire to Fort Duquesne and 
abandoned the country. Upon Washington's return to Vir- 
ginia, he resigned his commission, and on January 6, 1759, he 
was married to Martha Custis, daughter of John Dandridge 
and widow of Daniel Parke Custis. In his absence with the 
expedition to Fort Duquesne, he was elected a member of the 
House of Burgesses. When he joined that body, the House 
instructed its Speaker, Robinson, to thank him for his serv- 
ices to the colony. " As soon as Colonel Washington took his 
seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to this order, and following 
the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged 
the duty with great dignity, but with such warmth of coloring, 
and strength of expression as entirely to confound the young 
hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor; 
but such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not 
give distinct utterance to a syllable. He blushed, stammered, 
and trembled for a second; when the Speaker relieved him, by 
a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis 
the Fourteenth, in his proudest and happiest moment. ' Sit 
down, Mr. Washington,* said he, with a conciliating smile, 
* your modesty is equal to your valor, and that surpasses the 
power of any language that I possess.' " — Wirt, Life of Patrick 
Henry, 45. 



8 George Washington 

ment in the recital. The Stamp Act, imposed on 
the colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain, 
engrosses the conversation of the speculative part 
of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitu- 
tional method of taxation, as a direful attack upon 
their liberties, and loudly exclaim against the viola- 
tion.^ What may be the result of this, and of some 
other (I think I may add) ill-judged measures, I 
will not undertake to determine; but this I may 
venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to 
the mother country will fall greatly short of the 
expectations of the ministry; for certain it is, that 
our whole substance does already in a manner flow 
to Great Britain, and that whatsoever contributes 
to lessen our importations must be hurtful to their 
manufacturers. And the eyes of our people, al- 
ready beginning to open, will perceive, that many 
luxuries, which we lavish our substance in Great 



1 In 1764, the British Cabinet gave notice that at the next 
session of Parliament a measure for raising revenue in the 
colonies would be introduced. The proposition encountered 
great opposition in America, and Benjamin Franklin was ap- 
pointed agent in London for Pennsylvania and several other 
colonies to protest against its enactment. The measure how- 
ever was adopted and received the King's sanction March 22, 
1765. On May 30th, the House of Burgesses of Virginia passed 
a resolution to the effect that taxation by themselves or by 
their representatives was the attribute of every English sub- 
ject, and that they would obey no law other than those passed 
by their own General Assembly. This came to be the general 
sentiment throughout the colonies, and it was asserted so 
strenuously that on February 22, 1766, the House of Com- 
mons voted to repeal the obnoxious law. The repeal was ac- 
companied however by a resolution asserting that Parliament 
had the absolute right to tax the colonies, the declarations of 
their legislatures to the contrary notwithstanding. 



Francis Dandridge 9 

Britain for, can well be dispensed with, whilst the 
necessaries of life are (mostly) to be had within 
ourselves. This, consequently, will introduce fru- 
gality, and be a necessary stimulation to industry. 
If Great Britain, therefore, loads her manufactu- 
ries with heavy taxes, will it not facilitate these 
measures? They will not compel us, I think, to 
give our money for their exports, whether we will 
or not; and certain, I am none of their traders will 
part from them without a valuable consideration. 
Where, then, is the utility of these restrictions? 

As to the Stamp Act, taken in a single view, one 
and the first bad consequence attending it, I take 
to be this, our courts of judicature must inevitably 
be shut up; for it is impossible, (or next of kin to 
it), under our present circumstances, that the act 
of Parliament can be complied with, were we ever 
so willing to enforce the execution ; for, not to say, 
which alone would be sufficient, that we have not 
money to pay the stamps, there are many other 
cogent reasons, to prevent it; and if a stop be put 
to our judicial proceedings, I fancy the merchants 
of Great Britain, trading to the colonies, will not 
be among the last to wish for a repeal of it.^ 

^ " Unseasonable as it may be, to take any notice of the re- 
peal of the Stamp Act at this time, yet I cannot help observing, 
that a contrary measure would have introduced very unhappy 
consequences. Those, therefore, who wisely foresaw such an 
event, and were instrumental in procuring the repeal of the 
act, are, in my opinion, deservedly entitled to the thanks of 
the well-wishers to Britain and her colonies, and must reflect 
with pleasure, that, through their means, many scenes of con- 
fusion and distress have been prevented. Mine they accord- 
ingly have, and always shall have, for their opposition to any 



lo George Washington 

TO GEORGE MASON ^ 

Mount Vernon, 5 April, 1769. 

Dear Sir, 

Herewith you will receive a letter and sundiy 
papers," which were forwarded to me a day or two 
ago by Dr. Ross of Bladensburg. I transmit them 
with the greater pleasure, as my own desire of 
knowing your sentiments upon a matter of this 
importance exactly coincides ^vith the Doctor's 
inclinations. 

At a time, when our lordly masters in Great 
Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the 
deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly 
necessary that something should be done to avert 

act of oppression; and that act could be looked upon in no 
other light by every person, who would view it in its proper 
colors. 

" I could wish it was in my power to congratulate you on 
the success in having the commercial system of these colonies 
put upon a more enlarged and extensive footing, than it is; 
because I am well satisfied, that it would ultimately redound 
to the advantage of the mother country, so long as the colonies 
pursue trade and agriculture, and would be an effectual let to 
manufacturing among them. The money, therefore which they 
raise, would center in Great Britain, as certainly as the needle 
will settle to the poles." — Washington to Capel and Osgood Han- 
bury, 25 July, 1767. 

1 A neighbor and intimate friend of Washington, who after- 
wards distinguished himself by drafting the first constitution 
of Virginia, and by the ability he displayed in the Convention 
for forming the Constitution of the United States, and also in 
the Virginia Convention for adopting that instrument. He 
was opposed to the Constitution, as encroaching too much on 
State rights, and containing the principles of a consolidated 
government. — Sparks. 

2 Containing resolves of the merchants of Philadelphia, re- 
specting the non-importation of articles of British manufac- 
ture. — Sparks. 



George Mason ii 

the stroke, and maintain the liberty, which we have 
derived from our ancestors. But the manner of 
doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the 
point in question. 

That no man should scruple, or hesitate a mo- 
ment, to use a — ms in defence of so valuable a 
blessing, on which all the good and evil of life de- 
pends, is clearly my opinion. Yet a — ms, I would 
beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the 
dernier resort. Addresses to the throne, and re- 
monstrances to Parliament, we have already, it is 
said, proved the inefRcacy of. How far, then, their 
attention to our rights and privileges is to be 
awakened or alarmed, by starving their trade and 
manufactures, remains to be tried. 

The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavor- 
ing to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a 
good one, and must be attended with salutary 
effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally 
into execution. But to what extent it is practica- 
ble to do so, I will not take upon me to determine. 
That there will be difficulties attending the execu- 
tion of it every where, from clashing interests, and 
selfish, designing men, (ever attentive to their own 
gain, and watchful of every turn, that can assist 
their lucrative views, in preference to every other 
consideration) cannot be denied; but in the tobacco 
colonies, where the trade is so diffused, and in a 
manner wholly conducted by factors for their prin- 
cipals at home, these difficulties are certainly en- 
hanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, 
if the gentlemen in their several counties will be at 



12 George Washington 

some pains to explain matters to the people, and 
stimulate them to a cordial agreement to purchase 
none but certain enumerated articles out of any of 
the stores after such a period, nor import nor 
purchase any themselves. This, if it did not ef- 
fectually withdraw the factors from their importa- 
tions, would at least make them extremely cautious 
in doing it, as the prohibited goods could be vended 
to none but the non-associators, or those who would 
pay no regard to their association; both of whom 
ought to be stigmatized, and made the objects of 
public reproach. 

The more I consider a scheme of this sort, the 
more ardently I wish success to it, because I think 
there are private as well as public advantages to 
result from it, — the former certain, however pre- 
carious the other may prove. For in respect to 
the latter, I have always thought, that by virtue of 
the same power, (for here alone the authority de- 
rives) which assumes the right of taxation, they 
may attempt at least to refrain our manufactories, 
especially those of a public nature, the same equity 
and justice prevailing in the one case as the other, 
it being no greater hardship to forbid my manu- 
facturing, than it is to order me to buy goods of 
them loaded with duties, for the express purpose of 
raising a revenue. But as a measure of this sort 
would be an additional exertion of arbitrary power, 
we cannot be worsted, I think, by putting it to the 
test. 

On the other hand, that the colonies are consid- 
erably indebted to Great Britain, is a truth uni- 



George Mason 13 

versally acknowledged. That many families are 
reduced almost, if not quite, to penury and want 
from the low ebb of their fortunes, and estates 
daily selling for the discharge of debts, the public 
papers furnish but too many melancholy proofs 
of, and that a scheme of this sort will contribute 
more effectually than any other I can devise to 
emerge the country from the distress it at present 
labors under, I do most firmly believe, if it can be 
generally adopted. And I can see but one set 
of people (the merchants excepted,) who will not, 
or ought not, to wish well to the scheme, and that 
is those who live genteelly and hospitably on clear 
estates. Such as these, were they not to consider 
the valuable object in view, and the good of others, 
might think it hard to be curtailed in their living 
and enjoyments. For as to the penurious man, 
he saves his money and he saves his credit, having 
the best plea for doing that, which before, perhaps, 
he had the most violent struggles to refrain from 
doing. The extravagant and expensive man has 
the same good plea to retrench his expenses. He 
is thereby furnished with a pretext to live within 
bounds, and embraces it. Prudence dictated econ- 
omy to him before, but his resolution was too weak 
to put it in practice; For how can I, says he, who 
have lived in such and such a manner, change my 
method? I am ashamed to do it, and, besides, such 
an alteration in the system of my living will create 
suspicions of the decay in my fortune, and such a 
thought the world must not harbour. I will e'en 
continue my course, till at last the course discon- 



14 George Washington 

tinues the estate, a sale of it being the consequence 
of his perseverance in error. This I am satisfied is 
the way, that many, who have set out in the wrong 
track, have reasoned, till ruin stares them in the 
face. And in respect to the poor and needy man, 
he is only left in the same situation that he was 
found, — better, I might say, because, as he judges 
from comparison, his condition is amended in pro- 
portion as it approaches nearer to those above him. 
Upon the whole, therefore, I think the scheme a 
good one, and that it ought to be tried here, with 
such alterations as the exigency of our circum- 
stances renders absolutely necessary. But how, and 
in what manner to begin the work, is a matter 
worthy of consideration, and whether it can be 
attempted with propriety or efficacy (further than 
a communication of sentiments to one another) be- 
fore May, when the Court and Assembly will meet 
in Williamsburg, and a uniform plan can be con- 
certed, and sent into the different counties to oper- 
ate at the same time and in the same manner 
everywhere, is a thing I am somewhat in doubt 
upon, and should be glad to know your opinion of.^ 



1 " If there are any articles contained in either of the re- 
spective invoices (paper only excepted) which are taxed by act 
of Parliament for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, 
it is my express desire and request, that they may not be sent, 
as I have very heartily entered into an association (copies of 
which I make no doubt you have seen, otherwise I should have 
enclosed one) not to import any article which now is, or here- 
after shall be taxed for this purpose until the said act or acts 
are repealed. I am therefore particular in mentioning this 
matter as I am fully determined to adhere religiously to it, and 
may perhaps have wrote for some things unwittingly which 



Bryan Fairfax 15 

TO BRYAN FAIRFAX 

Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1774. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * As to your political sentiments, I would 
heartily join you in them, so far as relates to a 
humble and dutiful petition to the throne, provided 
there was the most distant hope of success. But 
have we not tried this already? Have we not ad- 
dressed the Lords, and remonstrated to the Com- 
mons? And to what end? Did they deign to look 
at our petitions? Does it not appear, as clear as 
the sun in its meridian brightness, that there is a 
regular, systematic plan formed to fix the right and 
practice of taxation upon us? Does not the uni- 
form conduct of Parliament for some years past 
confirm this? Do not all the debates, especially 
those just brought to us, in the House of Commons 
on the side of government, expressly declare that 
America must be taxed in aid of the British funds, 
and that she has no longer resources within herself? 
Is there any thing to be expected from petitioning 
after this? Is not the attack upon the liberty and 
property of the people of Boston, before restitu- 
tion of the loss to the India Company was 
demanded, a plain and self-evident proof of 
what they are aiming at? Do not the subsequent 
bills (now I dare say acts) , for depriving the Mass- 
achusetts Bay of its charter, and for transporting 
offenders into other colonies or to Great Britain 



may be under these circumstances." — Washington to Robert 
Gary, London, 25 July, 1769. 



i6 George Washington 

for trial, where it is impossible from the nature of 
the thing that justice can be obtained, convince us 
that the administration is determined to stick at 
nothing to carry its point? Ought we not, then, 
to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest test? 
With you I think it a folly to attempt more than 
we can execute, as that will not only bring dis- 
grace upon us, but weaken our cause; yet I think 
we may do more than is generally believed, in re- 
spect to the non-importation scheme. As to the 
withholding of our remittances, that is another 
point, in which I own I have my doubts on several 
accounts, but principally on that of justice; for I 
think, whilst we are accusing others of injustice, we 
should be just ourselves; and how this can be, 
whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse pay- 
ment of it to Great Britain, is to me inconceivable. 
Nothing but the last extremity, I think, can 
justify it. Whether this is now come, is the 
question. * * * 



TO BRYAN FAIRFAX 

Mount Vernon, 20 July, 1774. 

Dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 17th was not presented to me 
till after the resolutions, (which were adjudged 
advisable for this county to come to), had been 
revised, altered, and corrected in the committee; 
nor till we had gone into a general meeting in the 
court-house, and my attention necessarily called 



Bryan Fairfax 17 

every moment to the business that was before it.^ 
I did, however, upon receipt of it, (in that hurry 
and bustle, ) hastily run it over, and handed it round 
to the gentlemen on the bench of which there were 
many ; but, as no person present seemed in the least 
disposed to adopt your sentiments, as there ap- 
peared a perfect satisfaction and acquiescence in 
the measures proposed (except from a Mr. Wil- 
liamson, who was for adopting your advice liter- 
ally, without obtaining a second voice on his side), 
and as the gentlemen, to whom the letter was 
shown, advised me not to have it read, as it was 
not like to make a convert, and repugnant, (some 
of them thought,) to the very principle we were 
contending for, I forbore to offer it otherwise than 
in the manner above mentioned; which I shall be 
sorry for, if it gives you any dissatisfaction in not 
having your sentiments read to the county at 
large, instead of communicating them to the first 
people in it, by offering them the letter in the man- 
ner I did. 

That I differ very widely from you, in respect 
to the mode of obtaining a defeat [repeal] of the 

1 The inhabitants of Fairfax County had assembled, and 
appointed a committee for drawing up resolutions expressive 
of their sentiments on the great topics which agitated the 
country. Washington was chairman of this committee, and 
moderator of the meetings held by the people. An able report 
was prepared by the committee, containing a series of resolu- 
tions, which were presented at a general meeting of the in- 
habitants at the court-house in Fairfax County on the 18th of 
July. [It is printed in Force's American Archives, Fourth 
Series, i., 597, and in Sparks, The Writings of Washington, 
ii., 488.] 

Mr. Bryan Fairfax, who had been present on former occa- 



i8 George Washington 

acts so much and so justly complained of, I shall 
not hesitate to acknowledge; and that this differ- 
ence in opinion may probably proceed from the 
different constructions we put upon the conduct 
and intention of the ministry may also be true ; but, 
as I see nothing, on the one hand, to induce a be- 
lief that the Parliament would embrace a favor- 
able opportunity of repealing acts, which they go 
on with great rapidity to pass, and in order to 
enforce their tyrannical system; and, on the other, 
I observe, or think I observe, that government is 
pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law and 
justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and 
liberties, how can I expect any redress from a 
measure, which has been ineffectually tried already? 
For, Sir, what is it we are contending against? 
Is it against paying the duty of three pence per 
pound on tea because burthensome? No, it is the 
right only, we have all along disputed, and to this 
end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as 
humble and dutiful manner as subjects could do. 
Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and 
House of Commons in their different legislative 
capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, we 
could not be deprived of this essential and valuable 
part of a constitution. If, then, as the fact really 
is, it is against the right of taxation that we now do, 
and, (as I before said,) all along have contended, 

sions, not approving all the resolutions, absented himself from 
this meeting, and wrote a long letter to the chairman, stating 
his views and objections, with the request that it should be 
publicly read. — Sparks. 



Bryan Fairfax 19 

why should they suppose an exertion of this power 
would be less obnoxious now than formerly? And 
what reasons have we to believe, that they would 
make a second attempt, while the same sentiments 
filled the breast of every American, if they did not 
intend to enforce it if possible ? ^ 

^ Mr. Fairfax had written : — " I come now to consider a re- 
solve, which ought to be the most objected to, as tending more 
to widen the breach, and prevent a reconciliation than any 
other. I mean that, wherein the authority of Parliament is 
almost in every instance denied. Something similar to this, 
though more imprudent, is the most exceptionable part of the 
conduct of some in New England. It has been asserted in the 
House of Commons, that America has been gradually encroach- 
ing; that, as they have given up points, we have insisted on 
more. The fact is true, as to encroachment, but the reason 
assigned is wrong. It is not because they have given up points, 
but because they have not given them up, that we out of 
resentment demand more than we at first thought of. But how- 
ever natural it is for people incensed to increase their claims, 
and whatever our anger may induce us to say, in calm 
deliberations we should not insist on any thing unreasonable. 
We have all along submitted to the authority of Parliament. 
From the first settlement of the colonies I believe there never 
was an act of Parliament disputed, till the famous Stamp Act. 
It is a maxim in law, that all the acts made since the settle- 
ment of the colonies do not extend here, unless the colonies are 
particularly named; therefore all acts wherein they are in- 
cluded do extend here. 

" When the Stamp Act was repealed, it was said, and I did 
not hear it contradicted, that the Americans objected to in- 
ternal taxes, but not to external duties. When the duty on tea 
was laid, as an external duty, we objected to it, and with some 
reason, because it was not for the regulation of trade, but for 
the express purpose of raising a revenue. This was deemed a 
small encroachment on our first demands. Some now object 
to the authority, which has established and regulated the post- 
office, a very useful regulation. Others deny their authority in 
regard to our internal affairs. If we go on at this rate, it is 
impossible, that the troubles of America should ever have an 
end. Whatever we may wish to be the case, it becomes good 



20 George Washington 

The conduct of the Boston people could not jus- 
tify the rigor of their measures, unless there had 
been a requisition of payment and refusal of it; 
nor did that measure require an act to deprive the 
government of Massachusetts Bay of their charter, 
or to exempt offenders from trial in the place where 
offences were committed, as there was not, nor could 
not be, a single instance produced to manifest the 
necessity of it. Are not all these things self-evi- 
dent proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us? 
If we want further proofs, do not all the debates in 
the House of Commons serve to confirm this ? And 
has not General Gage's conduct since his arrival, 
(in stopping the address of his Council, and pub- 
lishing a proclamation more becoming a Turkish 
bashaw, than an English governor, declaring it 
treason to associate in any manner by which the 
commerce of Great Britain is to be affected,) ex- 
hibited an unexampled testimony of the most 
despotic system of tyranny, that ever was practised 
in a free government? In short, what further 
proofs are wanted to satisfy one of the designs of 
the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform 

subjects to submit to the constitution of their country. When- 
ever a political establishment has been settled, it ought to be 
considered what that is, and not what it ought to be. To fix 
a contrary principle is to lay the foundation of continual 
broils and revolutions. 

" The Parliament from prescription have a right to make 
laws binding on the colonies, except those imposing taxes. 
From prescription the Americans are exempt from taxation. 
liCt us stand upon good ground in our opposition, otherwise 
many upon reflection may desert the cause. Therefore I hope 
some alteration will be made in the second resolve, or that 
nothing under this head will be mentioned." — Sparks. 



Bryan Fairfax 21 

and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if I 
mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation? 
What hope then from petitioning, when they tell 
us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter? 
Shall we, after this, whine and cry for relief, when 
we have already tried it in vain? Or shall we su- 
pinely sit and see one province after another fall 
a prey to despotism? If I was in any doubt, as to 
the right which the Parliament of Great Britain 
had to tax us without our consent, I should most 
heartily coincide with you in opinion, that to peti- 
tion, and petition only, is the proper method to 
apply for relief; because we should then be asking 
a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the law 
of nature and our constitution, we are, in my opin- 
ion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think 
it criminal to go further than this, under such an 
idea; but none such I have. I think the Parliament 
of Great Britain hath no more right to put their 
hands into my pocket, without my consent, than 
I have to put my hands into yours for money; and 
this being already urged to them in a firm, but 
decent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is 
there to expect any thing from their justice? 

As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I 
own to you, Sir, I think the whole might as well 
have been expunged. I expect nothing from the 
measure, nor should my voice have accompanied it, 
if the non-importation scheme was intended to be 
retarded by it ; ^ for I am convinced, as much as I 

1 Among the Alexandria resolves, which were the subject of 
Mr. Fairfax's letter, there was one for petitioning the King. 



2 2 George Washington 

am of my existence, that there is no reHef but in 
their distress; and I think, at least I hope, that 
there is pubHc virtue enough left among us to deny 
ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of 
life to accomplish this end. This we have a right 
to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to 
do otherwise, till they have first reduced us to the 
most abject state of slavery that ever was designed 
for mankind. The stopping our exports would, 
no doubt, be a shorter cut than the other to effect 
this purpose; but if we owe money to Great Britain, 
nothing but the last necessity can justify the non- 
payment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts 
upon this head, and wish to see the other method 
first tried, which is legal and will facilitate these 
payments. 

I cannot conclude without expressing some con- 

In relation to this, he wrote : — " I hope it will be recommended, 
that, if a petition should be agreed upon, and sent home by 
the general Congress, no conditional resolution, which may be 
formed at the time, should be published until it is known, that 
the petition has had no effect. For we should otherwise de- 
stroy the very intention of it. To petition and to threaten at 
the same time seem to be inconsistent. It might be of service 
with the ministry, if they have evil designs, to know the dis- 
positions of the people here. I am sure that sufficiently ap- 
pears from what has already been published. And if that 
appears, no threatenings ought to accompany the petition. It 
ought to be as modest as possible, without descending to mean- 
ness. There is one expression, then, in one of our resolves, 
which I much object to; that is, a hint to the King, that, if his 
Majesty will not comply, there lies but one appeal. This ought 
surely to be erased. There are two methods proposed to effect 
a repeal; the one by petition, the other by compulsion. 
They ought then to be kept separate and distinct, and we shall 
find few for joining them together, who are not rather against 
the former." — Sparks. 



Bryan Fairfax 23 

cern, that I should differ so widely in sentiment 
from you, in a matter of such great moment and 
general import; and should much distrust my own 
judgment upon the occasion, if my nature did not 
recoil at the thought of submitting to measures, 
which I think subversive of every thing that I 
ought to hold dear and valuable, and did I not find, 
at the same time, that the voice of mankind is with 
me. * * * 



TO BRYAN FAIRFAX 

Mount Vernon, 24 August, 1774. 

Dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 5th instant ^ came to this place, 
forwarded by Mr. Ramsay, a few days after my 
return from Williamsburg, and I delayed acknow- 
ledging it sooner, in the hopes that I should find 
time, before I began my other journey to Phila- 
delphia,- to answer it fullj% if not satisfactorily; 
but, as much of my time has been engrossed since 
I came home by company, by your brother's sale 
and the business consequent thereupon, in writing 
letters to England, and now in attending to my 
own domestic affairs previous to my departure as 
above, I find it impossible to bestow so much time 
and attention to the subject matter of your letter 

1 The letter of Bryan Fairfax to which this is a reply is an 
excellent statement of the views of a moderate loyalist, and is 
printed in full in Ford, The Writings of George Washington, 
ii., 429. 

- To attend the First Continental Congress, to which he was 
a delegate from Virginia. 



24 George Washington 

as I could wish to do, and therefore, must rely upon 
your good nature and candor in excuse for not at- 
tempting it. In truth, persuaded as I am, that 
you have read all the political pieces, which com- 
pose a large share of the Gazette at this time, I 
should think it, but for your request, a piece of inex- 
cusable arrogance in me, to make the least essay 
towards a change in your political opinions; for I 
am sure I have no new lights to throw upon the 
subject, or any other arguments to offer in support 
of my own doctrine, than what you have seen; and 
could only in general add^Vthat an innate spirit of ) 
freedom first told me, that the measures, which ad- 
ministration hath for some time been, and now 
are most violently pursuing, are repugnant to 
every principle of natural justice; whilst much 
abler heads than my own hath fully convinced me, 
that it is not only repugnant to natural right, but 
subversive of the laws and constitution of Great 
Britain itself, in the establishment of which some 
of the best blood in the kingdom hath been spilt, r 
Satisfied, then, that the acts of a British Parlia- 
ment are no longer governed by the principles of 
justice, that it is trampling upon the valuable 
rights of Americans, confirmed to them by char- 
ter and the constitution they themselves boast of, 
and convinced beyond the smallest doubt, that these 
measures are the result of deliberation, and at- 
tempted to be carried into execution by the hand 
of power, is it a time to trifle, or risk our cause 
upon petitions, which with difficulty obtain access, 
and afterwards are thrown by with the utmost con- 



Bryan Fairfax 25 

tempt? Or should we, because heretofore unsus- 
picious of design, and then unwilHng to enter into 
disputes with the mother country, go on to bear 
more, and forbear to enumerate our just causes of 
complaint? For my own part, I shall not under- 
take to say where the line between Great Britain 
and the colonies should be drawn ; but I am clearly 
of opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and our 
rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, 
that the dispute had been left to posterity to deter- 
mine, but the crisis is arrived when we must assert 
our rights, or submit to every imposition, that can 
be heaped upon us, till custom and use shall make 
us as tame and abject slaves, as the blacks we rule 
\Qver with such arbitrary sway. 

I intended to have wrote no more than an apol- 
ogy for not writing; but I find I am insensibly 
running into a length I did not expect, and there- 
fore shall conclude with Remarking, that, if you 
disavow the right of Parliament to tax us, (un- 
represented as we are,) we only differ in respect 
to the mode of opposition, and this difference prin- 
cipally arises from your belief, that they — the Par- 
liament, I mean, — want a decent opportunity to 
repeal the acts; w^hilst I am as fully convinced, as 
I am of my own existence, that there has been a 
regular, systematic plan formed to enforce them, 
and that nothing but unanimity in the colonies (a 
stroke they did not expect) and firmness, can pre- 
vent it. It seems from the best advices from Bos- 
ton, that General Gage is exceedingly disconcerted 
at the quiet and steady conduct of the people of 



26 George Washington 

the Massachusetts Bay, and at the measures pur- 
suing by the other governments; as I dare say he 
expected to have forced those oppressed people 
into comphance, or irritated them to acts of vio- 
lence before this, for a more colorable pretense of 
ruling that and the other colonies with a high hand. 
But I am done. 

I shall set off on Wednesday next for Philadel- 
phia, whither, if you have any commands, I shall 
be glad to oblige you in them ; being, dear Sir, with 
real regard, &c. 

P.S. Pray what do you think of the Canada 
Bill? 



TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE. 

Philadelphia, 9 October, 1774. 

Dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 13th ultimo from Boston gave 
me pleasure, as I learnt thereby, that you were 
well, and might be expected at Mount Vernon in 
your way to or from James River, in the course of 
the winter.^ 

i"At that Congress [the first Continental], Washington had 
appeared as one of the representatives of Virginia, but ap- 
parently not yet clear as to what extent it was proper to in- 
volve himself in the difficulties into which Massachusetts was 
plunged. There is reason to suppose that he shared somewhat 
in the distrust generally felt, south of New England, of the 
purposes of the Massachusetts leaders. Whilst in this state of 
mind, he received a letter from Captain MacKenzie. MacKen- 
zie was a native of Virginia, and an acquaintance of Washing- 
ton, who had taken a commission in the British army, and was 
at this time attached to one of the regiments stationed at 



/ Captain Robert MacKenzie 27 

When I have said this, permit me with the free- 
dom of a friend (for you know I always esteemed 
you) to express my sorrow, that fortune should 
place you in a service, that must fix curses to the 
latest posterity upon the contrivers, and, if suc- 
cess (which, by the by, is impossible) accompanies 
it, execrations upon all those, who have been in- 
strumental in the execution. 

I do not mean by this to insinuate, that an officer 
is not to discharge his duty, even when chance, not 
choice, has placed him in a disagreeable situation; 
but I conceive, when you condemn the conduct of 
the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, 
not causes; otherwise you would not wonder at a 
people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs 
of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, 
deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitu- 
tion of their country, and to violate the most 
essential and valuable rights of mankind, being 



Boston. The object of the letter was to prejudice his mind 
against the action of the people of Massachusetts, and to in- 
duce him to exert his influence to counteract the policy their 
delegates were advocating in Philadelphia. Determined to sat- 
isfy himself as to the true character and designs of these dele- 
gates, he seems to have sought an interview and free conference 
with them at their lodgings. That interview took place on the 
evening of the 28th of September, 1774. Richard Henry Lee, 
and Dr. Shippen of Philadelphia, were also present. It seems 
to have settled all Washington's doubts, if he had any; for in- 
stead of noisy, brawling demagogues, meaning mischief only, 
he found the delegates plain, downright practical men, seeking 
safety from oppression, and contemplating violence only as a 
result of an absolute necessity forced on them by the govern- 
ment at home. The effect of this conference is made visible in 
his answer to MacKenzie." — Charles Francis Adams, Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, iv., 69. 



28 George Washington 

irritated, and with difficulty restrained from acts 
of the greatest violence and intemperance. For 
my own part, I confess to you candidly, that I 
view things in a very different point of light from 
the one in which you seem to consider them; and 
though you are led to believe by venal men,^for 
such I must take the liberty of calling those new- 
fangled counsellors, who fly to and surround you, 
and all others, who, for honors or pecuniary 
gratifications, will lend their aid to overturn the 
constitution, and introduce a system of arbitrary 
government, — although you are taught, I say, by 
discoursing with such men, to believe, that the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for 
independency, and what not, give me leave, my 
good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, 
grossly abused. This I advance with a degree of 
confidence and boldness, which may claim your be- 
lief, having better opportunities of knowing the 
real sentiments of the people you are among, from 
the leaders of them, in opposition to the present 
measures of the administration, than you have from 
those whose business it is, not to disclose truths, 
but to misrepresent facts in order to justify as 
m_uch as possible to the world their own conduct. 
Give me leave to add, and I think I can announce 
it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that 
government, or any other upon this continent, 
separately or collectively, to set up for indepen- 
dence; but this you may at the same time rely 
on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of 
those valuable rights and privileges, which are 



Captain Robert MacKenzie 29 

essential to the Iiappiness of every free state, and 
without which, life, liberty, and property are ren- 
dered totally insecure. 

These, Sir, being certain consequences, which 
must naturally result from the late acts of Par- 
liament relative to America in general, and the 
government of Massachusetts Bay in particular, 
is it to be wondered at, I repeat, that men, who 
wish to avert the impending blow, should attempt 
to oppose it in its progress, or prepare for their 
defence, if it cannot be averted? Surely I may 
be allowed to answer in the negative; and again 
give me leave to add as my opinion, that more 
blood wdll be spilled on this occasion, if the minis- 
try are determined to push matters to extremity, 
than historjT- has ever yet furnished instances of 
in the annals of North America, and such a vital 
wound will be given to the peace of this great 
country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the 
remembrance of. 

But I have done.^ I was involuntarily led into 
a short discussion of this subject by your remarks 
on the conduct of the Boston people, and your 
opinion of their wishes to set up for independency. 
I am well satisfied, that no such thing is desired by 
any thinking man in all North America; on the 
contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the warmest 

1 This letter was written while Washington was in Phila- 
delphia attending the sessions of the First Continental Con- 
gress. Something of the impression that he made upon his 
associates in that body may be gleaned from the report of 
Patrick Henry. That statesman upon his return to Virginia 
was asked whom he regarded as the greatest man in the Con- 



3© George Washington 

advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquilhty, 
upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and 
the horrors of civil discord prevented. * * * 

gress. His reply was, " If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rut- 
ledge of South Carolina is by far the greatest orator; but if you 
speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Wash- 
ington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." — 
Wirt, Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry, 113. 



II 

In the War for Independence 

Who can hope ever to know the mind 
and conscience of our Revolution, its 
motive, its conduct, its stern and 
patient purpose, or its cost, without 
studying Washington's letters? 

Moses Coit Tyler. 



II 

In the War for Independence 



ADDRESS ACCEPTING THE COMMAND OF THE ARMY, 
16 JUNE, 1775.^ 

Mr. Preskent, 

Though I am truly sensible of the high honor 
done me in this appointment, yet I feel great dis- 
tress from a consciousness that my abilities and 
military experience may not be equal to the exten- 
sive and important trust. However, as the Con- 
gress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous 
duty and exert every power I possess in the service 

1 On June 15, 1775, the Continental Congress resolved " that 
a General be appointed to command all the continental forces 
raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty," 
and " that five hundred dollars, per month, be allowed for his 
pay and expences." A ballot then being taken, Washington 
was unanimously elected. The next day, Friday, June 16, " the 
president [John Hancock] from the chair informed Geo: Wash- 
ington Esqr. that he had the order of Congress to acquaint him 
that the Congress had by a unanimous vote made choice of him 
to be general and commander in chief to take the supreme com- 
mand of the forces raised and to be raised, in defence of 
American Liberty, and desired his acceptance of it. Whereupon 
Colonel Washington, standing in his place," accepted the ap- 
pointment. See The Journals of the Continental Congress, 
1774-1789 (Ford's edition), ii., 91, 92. 

33 



34 George Washington 

COMMISSION AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

^ttC delegates of the United Colonies of New-Hampshire, 
Massachusetts bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, New Castle, Kent & Sussex on Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina 
To ^moVQZ WiUSMnQton Esquire 
l^Z reposing especial trust and confidence in your pa- 
triotism, conduct and fidelity Do by these presents constitute 
and appoint you to be ^tXXRXUl VtXtd ©JCrmmattXiCV 111 
^ftiS'X of the Army of the United Colonies and of all the 
forces raised or to be raised by them and of all others who shall 
voluntary offer their service and join the said army for the de- 
fence of American Liberty and for repelling every hostile in- 
vasion thereof. And you are hereby vested with full power 
and authority to act as you shall think for the good and wel- 
fare of the service. 

^VlA ■"^^ do hereby strictly charge and require all officers 
and soldiers under your command to be obedient to your orders 
& diligent in the exercise of their several duties. 

^VLld ■w^^ do also enjoin and require you to be careful in 
executing the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict dis- 
cipline and order to be observed in the army and that the 
soldiers are duly exercised and provided with all convenient 
necessaries. 

^tt& you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by 
the rules and discipline of war (as herewith given you) and 
punctually to observe and follow such orders and directions 
from, time to time as you shall receive from this or a future 
Congress of the said United Colonies or a committee of Congress 
for that purpose appointed. 

This Commission to continue in force until revoked by this 
or a future Congress. 

By order of the Congress 
John Hancock President 
Dated, Philadelphia June 19th 1775. 
Attest Chas. Thomson Seer. 



Address Accepting Command of Army 35 

and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they 
will accept my most cordial thanks for this dis- 
tinguished testimony of their approbation. But 
lest some unlucky event should happen unfavor- 
able to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered 
by every gentleman in the room, that I this day de- 
clare with the utmost sincerity I do not think my- 
self equal to the command I am honored with. 

As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the Con- 
gress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have 
tempted me to accept this arduous employment at 
the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I 
do not wish to make any profit from it. I will 
keep an exact account of my expenses. Those I 
doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I 
desire. 



TO MRS. MARTHA WASHINGTON ^ 

Philadelphia, 18 June, 1775. 

My Dearest, 

I am now set down to write to you on a subject, 
which fills me with inexpressible concern, and this 
concern is greatly aggravated and increased, when 
I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give 
you. It has been determined in Congress, that the 

^ " Washington was not only too reserved, but he had too 
much true sentiment, to leave his correspondence with Mrs. 
Washington behind him. * * * Only one letter to Mrs. Wash- 
ington apparently has survived." — Lodge, George Washington, 
ii., 363. This statement is not quite correct. At least two 
letters to Mrs. Washington survive (see page 6 for the first 
one), and are interesting evidence of the warmth of Washing- 
ton's affections. A man so cold and unresponsive as he is com- 
monly represented to be could not have written such letters. 



36 George Washington 

whole army raised for the defence of the American 
cause shall be put under my care, and that it is 
necessary for me to proceed inmiediately to Boston 
to take upon me the command of it. 

You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I 
assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so 
far from seeking this appointment, I have used 
every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only 
from my unwillingness to part with you and the 
family, but from a consciousness of its being a 
trust too great for my capacity, and that I should 
enjoy more real happiness in one month with you 
at home, than I have the most distant prospect of 
finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times 
seven years. But as it has been a kind of destiny, 
that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope 
that my undertaking it is designed to answer some 
good purpose. You might, and I suppose did 
perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that I was 
apprehensive I could not avoid this appointment, 
as I did not pretend to intimate when I should 
return. That was the case. It was utterly out of 
my power to refuse this appointment, without ex- 
posing my character to such censures, as would 
have reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain 
to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, and 
ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have 
lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I 
shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Provi- 
dence, which has heretofore preserved and been 
bountiful to me, not doubting but that I shall return 
safe to you in the fall. I shall feel no pain from 



Mrs. Martha Washington 37 

the toil or the danger of the campaign ; my unhap- 
piness will flow from the uneasiness I know you 
will feel from being left alone. I therefore beg, 
that you will summon your whole fortitude, and 
pass your time as agreeably as possible. Nothing 
will give me so much sincere satisfaction as to hear 
this, and to hear it from your own pen. My earn- 
est and ardent desire is, that you would pursue 
any plan that is most likely to produce content, and 
a tolerable degree of tranquillity; as it must add 
greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear, that you are 
dissatisfied or complaining at what I really could 
not avoid. 

As life is always uncertain, and common pru- 
dence dictates to every man the necessity of settling 
his temporal concerns, while it is in his power, and 
while the mind is calm and undisturbed, I have, 
since I came to this place (for I had not time to 
do it before I left home) got Colonel Pendleton 
to draft a will for me, by the directions I gave him, 
which will I now enclose. The provision made for 
you in case of my death will, I hope, be agreeable. 

I shall add nothing more, as I have several let- 
ters to write, but to desire that you will remember 
me to your friends, and to assure you that I am, 
with the most unfeigned regard, my dear Patsy, 
your affectionate, &c. 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Camp at Cambridge, 21 September, 1775. 

Sir, 

I have been in daily expectation of being favored 



38 George Washington 

with the commands of the honorable Congress on 
the subject of my two last letters. The season 
now advances so fast, that I cannot any longer de- 
fer laying before them such further measures as 
require their immediate attention, and in which I 
wait their direction. 

The mode in which the present army has been 
collected has occasioned some difficulty, in procur- 
ing the subscription of both officers and soldiers to 
the Continental articles of war. Their principal 
objection has been, that it might subject thetn to 
a longer service, than that for which they engaged 
under their several provincial establishments. It 
is in vain to attempt to reason away the prejudices 
of a whole army, often instilled, and in this instance 
at least encouraged, by their officers from private 
and narrow views. I have therefore forbore press- 
ing them, as I did not experience any such incon- 
venience from their adherence to their former 
rules, as would warrant the risk of entering into a 
contest upon it; more especially as the restraints, 
necessary for the establishment of essential dis- 
cipline and subordination, indisposed their minds 
to every change, and made it both duty and policy 
to introduce as little novelty as possible. With 
the present army, I fear, such a subscription is im- 
practicable; but the difficulty will cease with this 
army.^ 

The Connecticut and Rhode Island troops stand 

1 The Continental Articles of War, or as they were otherwise 
called, " Rules and Regulations for the Army," may be seen in 
the Journals of Congress, 30 June, 1775. — Sparks. 



President of Congress 39 

engaged to the 1st of December only; and none 
longer than the 1st of January. A dissolution of 
the present army therefore will take place, unless 
some early provision is made against such an event. 
Most of the general officers are of opinion, that the 
greater part of them may be reenUsted for the win- 
ter, or another campaign, with the indulgence of a 
furlough to visit their friends, which may be regu- 
lated so as not to endanger the service. How far 
it may be proper to form the new army entirely out 
of the old, for another campaign, rather than from 
the contingents of the several provinces, is a ques- 
tion which involves in it too many considerations 
of policy and prudence, for me to undertake to de- 
cide. It appears to be impossible to draw it from 
any other source than the old army, for this winter; 
and, as the pay is ample, I hope a sufficient num- 
ber will engage in the service for that time at 
least. But there are various opinions of the temper 
of the men on the subject; and there may be great 
hazard in deferring the trial too long. * * * 

It gives me great pain to be obliged to solicit the 
attention of the honorable Congress to the state of 
this army, in terms which imply the slightest ap- 
prehension of being neglected. BVit my situation 
is inexpressibly distressing, to see the winter fast 
approaching upon a naked army, the time of their 
service within a few weeks of expiring, and no pro- 
vision yet made for such important events. Added 
to these, the military chest is totally exhausted ; the 
paymaster has not a single dollar in hand; the com- 
missarj^-general assures me he has strained his 



40 George Washington 

credit, for the subsistence of the army, to the ut- 
most. The quartermaster-general is precisely in 
the same situation; and the greater part of the 
troops are in a state not far from mutiny, upon the 
deduction from their stated allowance. I know 
not to whom I am to impute this failure ; but I am 
of opinion, if the evil is not immediately remedied, 
and more punctually observed in future, the army 
must absolutely break up. I hoped I had expressed 
myself so fully on this subject, both by letter, and 
to those members of the Congress, who honored the 
camp wath a visit, that no disappointment could 
possibly happen. I therefore hourly expected ad- 
vice from the paymaster, that he had received a 
fresh supply, in addition to the hundred and sev- 
enty-two thousand dollars delivered him in August ; 
and thought myself warranted to assure the public 
creditors, that in a few days they should be satis- 
fied. But the delay has brought matters to such a 
crisis, as admits of no farther uncertain expecta- 
tions. I have therefore sent off this express with 
orders to make all possible despatch. It is my 
most earnest request, that he may be returned with 
all possible expedition, unless the honorable Con- 
gress have already forwarded what is so indispen- 
sably necessary. I have the honor to be, &c. 



TO JOSEPH REED. 

Cambridge, 28 November, 1775. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * What an astonishing thing it is, that 



Joseph Reed 41 

those who are employed to sign the Continental 
bills should not be able, or inclined, to do it as fast 
as they are wanted. They will prove the destruc- 
tion of the army, if they are not more attentive 
and diligent. Such a dearth of public spirit, and 
want of virtue, such stock- jobbing, and fertility 
in all the low arts to obtain advantages of one kind 
or another, in this great change of military ar- 
rangement, I never saw before, and pray God I 
may never be witness to again. What will be the 
ultimate end of these manoeuvres is beyond my scan. 
I tremble at the prospect. We have been till this 
time enlisting about three thousand five hundred 
men. To engage these I have been obliged to allow 
furloughs as far as fifty men a regiment, and the 
officers I am persuaded indulge as many more. 
The Connecticut troops will not be prevailed upon 
to stay longer than their term (saving those who 
have enlisted for the next campaign, and mostly on 
furlough ) , and such a dirty, mercenary spirit per- 
vades the whole, that I should not be at all surprised 
at any disaster that may happen. In short, after 
the last of this month our lines will be so weakened, 
that the minute-men and militia must be called in 
for their defence; these, being under no kind of 
government themselves, will destroy the little sub- 
ordination I have been laboring to establish, and 
run me into one evil whilst I am endeavoring to 
avoid another; but the lesser must be chosen. 
Could I have foreseen what I have, and am likely 
to experience, no consideration upon earth should 
have induced me to accept this command. A regi- 



42 George Washington 

ment or any subordinate department would have 
been accompanied with ten times the satisfaction, 
and perhaps the honor. ^ * * * 



TO JOSEPH REED. 

Cambridge, 14 January, 1776. 

Dear Sir, 

The bearer presents an opportunity to me of ac- 
knowledging the receipt of your favor of the 30th 
ultimo, (which never came to my hands till last 
night,) and, if I have not done it before, of your 
other of the 23d preceding. 

1 " I am very sorry to be necessitated to mention to you the 
egregious want of public spirit, which reigns here [Massachu- 
setts]. Instead of pressing to be engaged in the cause of their 
country, which I vainly flattered myself would be the case, I 
find we are likely to be deserted, and in a most critical time. 
Those that have enlisted must have a furlough, which I have 
been obliged to grant to fifty at a time, from each regiment. 
The Connecticut troops, upon whom I reckoned, are as back- 
ward, indeed, if possible, more so than the people of this 
colony. Our situation is truly alarming; and of this General 
Howe is well apprized, it being the common topic of conversa- 
tion, when the people left Boston last Friday. No doubt, when 
he is reinforced, he will avail himself of the information." 
— Washington to the President of Congress, 28 November, 1775. 

" His Excellency is a great and good man. I feel the high- 
est degree of respect for him. I wish him immortal honor. 
I think myself happy in an opportunity to serve under so good 
a general. My happiness will be still greater if fortune gives 
me an opportunity to contribute to his glory and my country's 
good. But his Excellency, as you observe, has not had time to 
make himself acquainted with the genius of this people. They 
are naturally as brave and spirited as the peasantry of any 
other country; but you cannot expect veterans of a raw militia 
of only a few months' service. The common people are ex- 
ceedingly avaricious; the genius of the people is commercial, 
from their long intercourse with trade. The sentiment of 



Joseph Reed 43 

The hints you have communicated from time to 
time not only deserve, but do most sincerely and 
cordially meet with my thanks. You cannot ren- 
der a more acceptable service, nor in my estimation 
give a more convincing proof of your friendship, 
than by a free, open, and undisguised account of 
every matter relative to myself or conduct. I can 
bear to hear of imputed or real errors. The man, 
who wishes to stand well in the opinion of others, 
must do this; because he is thereby enabled to 
correct his faults, or remove prejudices which are 
imbibed against him. For this reason, I shall thank 
you for giving me the opinions of the world, upon 
such points as you know me to be interested in; 
for, as I have but one capital object in view, I 
could wish to make my conduct coincide with the 
wishes of mankind, as far as I can consistently; I 
mean, without departing from that great line of 
duty, which, though hid under a cloud for some 
time, from a peculiarity of circumstances, may] 
nevertheless bear a scrutiny. My constant atten- 
tion to the great and perplexing objects, which 
continually rise to my view, absorbs all lesser 

honor, the true characteristic of a soldier, has not yet got the 
better of interest. His Excellency has been taught to believe 
the people here a superior race of mortals; and finding them 
of the same temper and dispositions, passions and prejudices, 
virtues and vices of the common people of other governments, 
they sink in his esteem. The country round here set no bounds 
to their demand for hay, wood and teaming. It has given his 
Excellency a great deal of uneasiness that they should take this 
opportunity to extort from the necessities of the army such 
enormous prices." — General Greene to Henry Ward, 18 Decem- 
ber, 1775. 



44 George Washington 

considerations, and indeed scarcely allows me time 
to reflect, that there is such a body in existence as 
the General Court of this colony/ but when I am 
reminded of it by a committee; nor can I, upon 
recollection, discover in what instances (I wish 
they would be more explicit) I have been inatten- 
tive to, or slighted them. They could not, surely, 
conceive that there was a propriety in unbosoming 
the secrets of an army to them; that it was neces- 
sary to ask their opinion of throwing up an in- 
trenchment, forming a battalion, &c., &c. It 
must, therefore, be what I before hinted to 
you; and how to remedy it I hardly know, as 
I am acquainted with few of the members, never 
go out of my own lines, or see any of them in 
them. 

I am exceeding sorry to hear, that your little 
fleet has been shut in by the frost. I hope it has 
sailed ere this, and given you some proof of the 
utility of it, and enabled the Congress to bestow a 
little more attention to the affairs of this army, 
which suffers exceedingly by their overmuch busi- 
ness, or too little attention to it. We are now 
without any money in our treasury, powder in our 
magazines, arms in our stores. We are without a 
brigadier (the want of which has been twenty times 
urged), engineers, expresses (though a committee 
has been appointed these two months to estabHsh 
them) , and by and by, when we shall be called upon 
to take the field, shall not have a tent to lie in. 
Apropos, what is doing with mine? 

1 The legislature of Massachusetts is called the General Court. 



Joseph Reed 45 

These are evils, but small in comparison of those, 
which disturb my present repose. Our enlistments 
are at a stand ; the fears I ever entertained are real- 
ized; that is, the discontented officers (for I do not 
know how else to account for it) have thrown such 
difficulties or stumbling-blocks in the way of re- 
cruiting, that I no longer entertain a hope of com- 
pleting the army by voluntary enlistments, and I 
see no move or likelihood of one, to do it by other 
means. In the last two weeks we have enlisted but 
about a thousand men; whereas I was confidently 
bid to believe, by all the officers I conversed with, 
that we should by this time have had the regiments 
nearly completed. Our total number upon paper 
amounts to about ten thousand five hundred; but 
as a large portion of these are returned not joined, 
I never expect to receive them, as an ineffectual 
order has once issued to call them in. Another is 
now gone forth, peremptorily requiring all officers 
under pain of being cashiered, and recruits as be- 
ing treated as deserters, to join their respective 
regiments by the 1st day of next month, that I may 
know my real strength; but if my fears are not 
imaginary, I shall have a dreadful account of the 
advanced month's pay. In consequence of the 
assurances given, and my expectation of having at 
least men enough enlisted to defend our lines, to 
which may be added my unwillingness of burthen- 
ing the cause with unnecessary expense, no relief 
of militia has been ordered in, to supply the places 
of those, who are released from their engagements 
to-morrow, and on whom, though many have prom- 



46 George Washington 

ised to continue out the month, there is no security 
for their stay. 

Thus am I situated with respect to men. With 
regard to arms I am yet worse off. Before the 
dissolution of the old army, I issued an order di- 
recting three judicious men of each brigade to at- 
tend, review, and appraise the good arms of every 
regiment; and finding a very great unwillingness 
in the men to part with their arms, at the same time 
not having it in my power to pay them for the 
months of November and December, I threatened 
severely, that every soldier, who carried away his 
firelock without leave, should never receive pay for 
those months; yet so many have been carried off, 
partly by stealth, but chiefly as condemned, that we 
have not at this time one hundred guns in the 
stores, of all that have been taken in the prize-ship 
and from the soldiery, notwithstanding our regi- 
ments are not half complete. At the same time I 
am told, and believe it, that to restrain the enlist- 
ment to men with arms, you will get but few of the 
former, and still fewer of the latter, which would 
be good for any thing. 

How to get furnished I know not. I have applied 
to this and the neighboring colonies, but with what 
success time only can tell. The reflection on my 
situation, and that of this army, produces many an 
uneasy hour when all around me are wrapped in 
sleep. Few people know the predicament we are 
in, on a thousand accounts ; fewer still will believe, 
if any disaster happens to these lines, from what 
causes it flows. I have often thought how much 



Joseph Reed 47 

happier I should have been, if, instead of accepting 
of a command under such circumstances, I had 
taken my musket on my shoulder and entered the 
ranks, or, if I could have justified the measure to 
posterity and my own conscience, had retired to 
the back country, and lived in a wigwam. If I 
shall be able to rise superior to these and many 
other difficulties, which might be enumerated, I 
shall most religiously believe, that the finger of 
Providence is in it, to blind the eyes of our enemies ; 
for surely if we get well through this month, it must 
be for want of their knowing the disadvantages we 
labor under. 

Could I have foreseen the difficulties, which have 
come upon us; could I have known, that such a 
backwardness would have been discovered in the 
old soldiers to the service, all the generals upon 
earth should not have convinced me of the propriety 
of delaying an attack upon Boston till this time. 
When it can now be attempted, I will not under- 
take to say; but thus much I will answer for, that 
no opportunity can present itself earlier than my 
wishes. But as this letter discloses some interest- 
ing truths, I shall be somewhat uneasy until I hear 
it gets to your hands, although the conveyance is 
thought safe. * * * 



TO JOSEPH REED. 

Cambridge, 10 February, 1776. 



Deae Sir, 

Your obliging favors of the 28th ult. and 1st 



48 George Washington 

inst. are now before me, and claim my particular 
tlianks for the polite attention you pay to my 
wishes in an early and regular communication of 
what is passing in your quarter. 

If you conceive, that I took any thing wrong, or 
amiss, that was conveyed in any of your former 
letters, you are really mistaken. I only meant to 
convince you, that nothing would give more real 
satisfaction, than to know the sentiments, which are 
entertained of me by the public, whether they be 
favorable or otherwise; and I urged as a reason, 
that the man, who wished to steer clear of shelves 
and rocks, must know where they lay. I know — 
but to declare it, unless to a friend, may be an argu- 
ment of vanity — the integrity of my own heart. I 
know the unhappy predicament I stand in ; I know 
that much is expected of me ; I know, that without 
men, without arms, without ammunition, without 
any thing fit for the accommodation of a soldier, 
little is to be done; and, which is mortifying, I 
know, that I cannot stand justified to the world 
without exposing my own weakness, and injuring 
the cause, by declaring my wants, which I am deter- 
mined not to do, further than unavoidable necessity 
brings every man acquainted with them. 

If, under these disadvantages, I am able to keep 
above water, (as it were) in the esteem of mankind, 
I shall feel myself happy ; but if, from the unknown 
peculiarity of my circumstances, I suffer in the 
opinion of the world, I shall not think you take the 
freedom of a friend, if you conceal the reflections 
that may be cast upon my conduct. My own situa- 



Joseph Reed 49 

tion feels so irksome to me at times, that, if I did 
not consult the public good, more than my own tran- 
quillity, I should long ere this have put every thing 
to the cast of a Dye. So far from my having 
an army of twenty thousand men well armed, 
I have been here with less than half of it, includ- 
ing sick, furloughed, and on command, and those 
neither armed nor clothed, as they should be. In 
short, my situation has been such, that I have been 
obliged to use art to conceal it from my own offi- 
cers. The Congress, as you observe, expect, I be- 
lieve, that I should do more than others, — for 
whilst they compel me to inlist men without a 
bounty, they give 40 to others, which will, I expect, 
put a stand to our Inlistments ; for notwithstanding 
all the publick virtue which is ascrib'd to these peo- 
ple, there is no nation under the sun, (that I ever 
came across) pay greater adoration to money than 
they do — I am pleas'd to find that your Battalions 
are cloathed and look well, and that they are filing 
off for Canada. I wish I could say that the troops 
here had altered much in Dress or appearance. 
Our regiments are little more than half compleat, 
and recruiting nearly at a stand — In all my letters 
I fail not to mention of Tents, and now perceive 
that notice is taken of yr. application. I have 
been convinced, by General Howe's conduct, that 
he has either been very ignorant of our situation 
(which I do not believe) or that he has received 
positive orders (which, I think, is natural to con- 
clude) not to put anything to the hazard till his 
reinforcements arrive; otherwise there has [not] 



50 George Washington 

been a time since the first of December, that we 
must have fought Hke men to have maintained 
these Lines, so great in their extent. 

The party to Bunker's Hill had some good and 
some bad men engaged in it. One or two courts 
have been held on the conduct of part of it. To be 
plain, these people — among friends — are not to be 
depended upon if exposed ; and any man will fight 
well if he thinks himself in no danger. I do not 
apply this only to these people. I suppose it to be 
the case with all raw and undisciplined troops. 
You may rely upon it, that transports left Boston 
six weeks ago with troops; where they are gone, 
unless driven to the West Indies, I know not. 
You may also rely upon General Clinton's sailing 
from Boston about three weeks ago, with about 
four or five hundred men; his destination I am also 
a stranger to. I am sorry to hear of the failures 
you speak of from France. But why will not Con- 
gress forward part of the powder made in your 
province? They seem to look upon this as the sea- 
son for action, but will not furnish the means. I 
Mill not blame them. I dare say the demands upon 
them are greater than they can supply. The cause 
must be starved till our resources are greater, or 
more certain within ourselves. 

With respect to myself, I have never entertained 
an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the 
measures, which were adopted in consequence of 
the Bunker's Hill fight.^ The King's speech has 

1 *' I cannot sufficiently express my sensibility for your kind 
congratulations on the favorable termination of the War, and 



Joseph Reed 51 

confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the 
news of that affair; and, if every man was of my 
mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know, 
in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be 
put. I would not be deceived by artful declara- 
tions, nor specious pretences; nor would I be 
amused by unmeaning propositions; but in open, 
undisguised, and manly terms proclaim our wrongs, 
and our resolution to be redressed. I would tell 
them, that we had borne much, that we had long 
and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honor- 
able terms, that it had been denied us, that all our 
attempts after peace had proved abortive, and had 
been grossly misrepresented, that we had done 
everything which could be expected from the best 
of subjects, that the spirit of freedom beat too high 
in us to submit to slavery, and that, if nothing else 
could satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical ministry, 
we are determined to shake off all connexions with a 
state so unjust and unnatural. This I would tell 
them, not under covert, but in words as clear as 
the sun in its meridian brightness. * * * 

for the flattering manner in which you are pleased to speak 
of my instrumentality in effecting a revolution, which I can 
truly aver, was not in the beginning premeditated; but the re- 
sult of dire necessity brought about by the persecuting spirit of 
the British Government. This no man can speak to with more 
certainty, or assert upon better grounds than myself — as I was 
a member of Congress in the Councils of America till the affair 
at Bunker Hill, and was an attentive observer and witness to 
those interesting and painful struggles for accomodation, and 
redress of grievances in a Constitutional way, which all the 
world saw and must have approved, except the ignorant, de- 
luded and designing." — Washington to George William Fairfax, 
10 July, 1783. 



52 George Washington 

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. 

Cambridge, 31 March, 1776. 

Dear Brother, 

* * * The want of arms and powder is not pe- 
cuhar to Virginia. This country of which doubt- 
less you have heard large and flattering accounts, 
is more deficient in both than you can conceive. I 
have been here months together, with (what will 
scarcely be believed) not thirty rounds of musket 
cartridges to a man; and have been obliged to sub- 
mit to all the insults of the enemy's cannon for 
want of powder, keeping what little we had for 
pistol distance. Another thing has been done, 
which, added to the above, will put it in the power 
of this army to say, what perhaps no other with 
justice ever could say. We have maintained our 
ground against the enemy, under this want of 
powder, and we have disbanded one army, and re- 
cruited another, within musket-shot of two and 
twenty regiments, the flower of the British army, 
whilst our force has been but little if any superior 
to theirs; and, at last, have beaten them into a 
shameful and precipitate retreat out of a place 
the strongest by nature on this continent, and 
strengthened and fortified at an enormous expense. 

As some account of the late manoeuvres of both 
armies may not be unacceptable, I shall, hurried as 
I always am, devote a little time to it. Having re- 
ceived a small supply of powder, very inadequate 
to our wants, I resolved to take possession of Dor- 
chester Point, lying east of Boston, looking di- 



John Augustine Washington 53 

rectly into it, and commanding the enemy's lines 
on Boston Neck. To do this, which I knew would 
force the enemy to an engagement, or subject them 
to be enfiladed by our cannon, it was necessary, in 
the first instance, to possess two heights ( those men- 
tioned in General Burgoyne's letter to Lord Stan- 
ley, in his account of the battle of Bunker's Hill), 
which had the entire command of the point. The 
ground at this point being frozen upwards of two 
feet deep, and as impenetrable as a rock, nothing 
could be attempted with earth. We were obliged, 
therefore, to provide an amazing quantity of chan- 
deHers and fascines for the work ; and, on the night 
of the 4th, after a previous severe cannonade and 
bombardment for three nights together, to divert 
the enemy's attention from our real design, we re- 
moved every material to the spot, under cover of 
darkness, and took full possession of those heights, 
without the loss of a single man. 

Upon their discovery of the works next morn- 
ing, great preparations were made for attacking 
them ; but not being ready before the afternoon, and 
the weather getting very tempestuous, much blood 
was saved, and a very important blow, to one side 
or the other, was prevented. That this most re- 
markable interposition of Providence is for some 
wise purpose, I have not a doubt. But, as the prin- 
cipal design of the manoeuvre was to draw the 
enemy to an engagement under disadvantages to 
them, as a premeditated plan was laid for this pur- 
pose, and seemed to be succeeding to my utmost 
wish, and as no men seem better disposed to make 



54 George Washington 

the appeal than ours did upon that occasion, I can 
scarcely forbear lamenting the disappointment, 
unless the dispute is drawing to an accommoda- 
tion, and the sword going to be sheathed. But, to 
return, the enemy thinking, as we have since 
learnt, that we had got too securely posted, before 
the second morning, to be much hurt by them, and 
apprehending great annoyance from our new 
works, resolved upon a retreat, and accordingly on 
the 17th embarked in as much hurry, precipitation, 
and confusion, as ever troops did, not taking time 
to fit their transports, but leaving the King's prop- 
erty in Boston, to the amount, as is supposed, of 
thirty or forty thousand pounds in provisions and 
stores. Many pieces of cannon, some mortars, and 
a number of shot and shells are also left; and bag- 
gage-wagons and artillery-carts, which they have 
been eighteen months preparing to take the field 
with, were found destroyed, thrown into the docks, 
and drifted upon every shore. In short, Dunbar's 
destruction of stores after General Braddock's de- 
feat, which made so much noise, affords but a faint 
idea of what was to be met with here. 

The enemy lay from the 17th to the 27th in Nan- 
tasket and King's Roads, about nine miles from 
Boston, to take in water from the islands there- 
abouts, and to prepare themselves for sea. Whither 
they are now bound, and where their tents will be 
next pitched, I know not; but, as New York and 
Hudson's River are the most important objects 
they can have in view, as the latter secures the com- 
munication with Canada, at the same time that it 



John Augustine Washington 55 

separates the northern and southern colonies, and 
the former is thought to abound in disaffected per- 
sons, who only wait a favorable opportunity and 
support to declare themselves openly, it becomes 
equally important for us to prevent their gaining 
possession of these advantages; and, therefore, as 
soon as they embarked, I detached a brigade of six 
regiments to that government, and, when they 
sailed, another brigade composed of the same num- 
ber; and to-morrow another brigade of five regi- 
ments will march. In a day or two more, I shall 
follow myself, and be in New York ready to re- 
ceive all but the first. 

The enemy left all their works standing in Bos- 
ton and on Bunker's Hill; and formidable they 
are. The town has shared a much better fate than 
was expected, the damage done to the houses being 
nothing equal to report. But the inhabitants have 
suffered a good deal, in being plundered by the 
soldiery at their departure. All those who took 
upon themselves the style and title of government- 
men in Boston, in short, all those who have acted an 
unfriendly part in the great contest, have shipped 
themselves off in the same hurry, but under 
still greater disadvantages than the King's troops, 
being obliged to man their own vessels, as seamen 
enough could not be had for the King's transports, 
and submit to every hardship that can be conceived. 
One or two have done, what a great number ought 
to have done long ago, committed suicide. By all 
accounts, there never existed a more miserable set 
of beings, than these wretched creatures now are. 



56 George Washington 

Taught to beheve, that the power of Great Britain 
was superior to all opposition, and, if not, that for- 
eign aid was at hand, they were even higher and 
more insulting in their opposition than the regu- 
lars. When the order issued, therefore, for em- 
barking the troops in Boston, no electric shock, no 
sudden explosion of thunder, in a word, not the 
last trump could have struck them with greater 
consternation. They were at their wits' end, and, 
conscious of their black ingratitude, they chose to 
commit themselves, in the manner I have above de- 
scribed, to the mercy of the waves at a tempestuous 
season, rather than meet their offended countrymen. 
I believe I may with great truth affirm, that no 
man perhaps since the first institution of armies 
ever commanded one under more difficult cir- 
cumstances, than I have done. To enumerate the 
particulars w ould fill a volume. Many of my diffi- 
culties and distresses were of so peculiar a cast, 
that, in order to conceal them from the enemy, I 
was obliged to conceal them from my friends, and 
indeed from my own army, thereby subjecting my 
conduct to interpretations unfavorable to my char- 
acter, especially by those at a distance, who could 
not in the smallest degree be acquainted with the 
springs that governed it. I am happy, however, 
to find, and to hear from different quarters, that 
my reputation stands fair, that my conduct hith- 
erto has given universal satisfaction. The ad- 
dresses, which I have received, and which I suppose 
will be published, from the General Court of this 
colony, and from the selectmen of Boston upon the 



John Augustine Washington 57 

evacuation of the town, and my approaching de- 
parture from the colony, exhibit a pleasing testi- 
mony of their approbation of my conduct, and of 
their personal regard, which I have found in 
various other instances, and which, in retirement, 
will afford many comfortable reflections. 

The share you have taken in the public disputes 
is commendable and praiseworthy. It is a duty 
we owe our country; a claim which posterity has 
upon us. It is not sufficient for a man to be a 
passive friend and well-wisher to the cause. This, 
and every other cause of such a nature, must in- 
evitably perish under such an opposition. Every 
person should be active in some department or 
other, without paying too much attention to pri- 
vate interest. It is a great stake we are playing 
for, and sure we are of winning, if the cards are 
well managed. Inactivity in some, disaffection in 
others, and timidity in many, may hurt the cause. 
Nothing else can; for unanimity will carry us 
through triumphantly, in spite of every exertion 
of Great Britain, if we are linked together in one 
indissoluble bond. This the leaders know, and they 
are practising every stratagem to divide us, and 
unite their own people. Upon this principle it is, 
that the restraining bill is passed, and commission- 
ers are coming over. The device, to be sure, is 
shallow, the covering thin, but they will hold out 
to their own people, that the acts complained of 
are repealed, and commissioners sent to each col- 
ony to treat with us, and that we will attend to 
neither of them. This, upon weak minds among 



58 George Washington 

us, will have its effect. They wish for reconcilia- 
tion; or, in other words, they wish for peace with- 
out attending to the conditions. 

General [Charles] Lee, I suppose, is with you 
before this. He is the first officer, in military 
knowledge and experience, we have in the whole 
army. He is zealously attached to the cause, hon- 
est and well-meaning, but rather fickle and violent, 
I fear, in his temper. However, as he possesses 
an uncommon share of good sense and spirit, I con- 
gratulate my countrymen upon his appointment 
to that department. As I am now nearly at the 
end of my eighth page, I think it time to conclude ; 
especially, as I set out with prefacing the little time 
I had for friendly correspondences. I shall only 
add, therefore, my affectionate regards to my sis- 
ter and the children, and compliments to friends; 
and that I am, with every sentiment of true 
affection, your loving brother and faithful friend. 



TO JOSEPH REED. 

Cambridge, 1 April, 1776. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * The accounts brought by Mr. Tem- 
ple, of the favorable disposition in the Ministry to 
accommodate matters, does not correspond with 
tbeir speeches in Parliament; — how then does he 
account for their inconsistency? If the commission- 
ers do not come over with full and ample powers 
to treat with Congress, I sincerely wish they may 



Joseph Reed 59 

never put their feet on American ground, as it must 
be self-evident, (in the other case,) that they come 
over with insidious intentions; to distract, divide, 
and create as much confusion as possible ; how then 
can any man, let his passion for reconciliation be 
never so strong, be so blinded and misled, as to 
embrace a measure evidently designed for his de- 
struction? No man does, no man can, wish the 
restoration of peace more fervently than I do, but 
I hope, whenever made, it will be upon such terms, 
as will reflect honor upon the councils and wisdom 
of America. With you, I think a change in the 
American representation necessary; frequent ap- 
peals to the people can be attended with no bad, but 
may have very salutary effects. My country- 
men I know, from their form of government, and 
steady attachment heretofore to royalty, will come 
reluctantly into the idea of independence, but time 
and persecution bring many wonderful things to 
pass; and by private letters, which I have lately 
received from Virginia, I find " Common Sense " is 
working a powerful change there in the minds of 
many men. * * * 1 

1 Thomas Paine's notable pamphlet, Common Sense, " the 
first open and unqualified argument in championship of the 
doctrine of American Independence," was published in Phila- 
delphia in January, 1776. Its author, curiously enough, was 
an Englishman who had been in America less than fifteen 
months. The pamphlet appeared anonymously and was com- 
monly ascribed to Benjamin Franklin. On one occasion a 
Loyalist lady is said to have reproved him for having in the 
pamphlet referred to George III. as " the royal brute of Brit- 
ain." " Madam," said Franklin, " let me assure you that I 
did not write Com,mon Sense. Moreover, if I had written it, 
T would not so have dishonored — the brute creation." An ex- 



6o George Washington 

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia, 31 May, 1776. 
Dear Brother, 

* * * I am very glad to find that the Vir- 
ginia Convention have passed so noble a vote, and 
with so much unanimity/ Things have come to 
that pass now, as to convince us, that we have noth- 
ing more to expect from the justice of Great Brit- 
ain; also, that she is capable of the most delusive 
arts; for I am satisfied, that no commissioners ever 
were designed, except Hessians and other foreign- 
ers ; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw 
us off our guard. The first has been too effectually 
accomplished, as many members of Congress, in 
short, the representation of whole provinces, are 
still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of 
reconciliation ; and, though they will not allow, that 
the expectation of it has any influence upon their 
judgment, (with respect to their preparations for 
defence,) it is but too obvious, that it has an 

cellent account of the pamphlet and its influence is given in 
Tyler, The Literary History of the American Revolution, i., 
451-474. 

1 On Wednesday, May 15th, the Virginia Convention, consist- 
ing of one hundred and twelve members, resolved unanimously 
to instruct their delegates in the Continental Congress to pro- 
pose " to that respectable body to declare the Colonies free and 
independent States, absolved from all allegiance to, or depend- 
ence upon, the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain," pledg- 
ing their support to such a declaration, and " to whatever 
measures may be thought proper and necessary by the Congress 
for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colo- 
nies, at such time, and in the manner, as to them shall seem 
best: Provided, that the power of forming government for, and 
the regulation of the internal concerns of each colony, be left 
to the respective colonial legislatures." — Ford. 



John Augustine Washington 6i 

operation upon every part of their conduct, and is 
a clog to their proceedings. It is not in the nature 
of things to be otherwise; for no man, that enter- 
tains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and 
equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the 
same expense and run the same hazards to prepare 
for the worst event, as he who believes that he must 
conquer, or submit to unconditional terms, and its 
concomitants, such as confiscation, hanging, &c., &c. 
To form a new government requires infinite care 
and unbounded attention; for if the foundation is 
badly laid, the superstructure must be bad. Too 
much time, therefore, cannot be bestowed in weigh- 
ing and digesting matters well. We have, no 
doubt, some good parts in our present constitution ; 
many bad ones we know we have. Wherefore, no 
time can be misspent that is employed in separating 
the wheat from the tares. My fear is, that you will 
all get tired and homesick; the consequence of 
which will be, that you will patch up some kind of 
a constitution as defective as the present. This 
should be avoided. Every man should consider, 
tbat he is lending his aid to frame a constitution, 
which is to render millions happy or miserable, and 
that a matter of such moment cannot be the work 
of a day. * * * 



TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON 

Heights of Haerlem, 22 September, 1776. 

Dear Brother, 

My extream hurry for some time past has ren- 



62 George Washington 

dered it utterly impossible for me to pay that 
attention to the letters of my friends, which inclina- 
tion and natural affection always inclines me to. 
I have no doubt, therefore, of meeting with their 
excuse, tho' with respect to yourself I have had no 
Letter from you since the date of my last saving 
the one of Septr. the 1st. With respect to the at- 
tack and Retreat from Long Island, the public 
Papers would furnish you w ith accounts nearly true. 
I shall only add, that in the former we lost about 
eight hundred men, more than three fourths of 
which were taken prisoners. This misfortune hap- 
pened in a great measure by Two detachments of 
our People, who were Posted in two Roads leading 
thro' a wood, in order to intercept the Enemy in 
their march, suffering a Surprise, and making a 
precipitate Retreat, which enabled the Enemy to 
lead a great part of their force against the Troops 
commanded by Lord Stirling, who formed a third 
detachment, who behaved with great bravery and 
resolution. 

As to the Retreat from the Island, under the 
circumstances we then were, it became absolutely 
necessary, and was effected without loss of men, 
and with but very little baggage. A few heavy 
cannon were left, not being movable on account of 
the Ground being soft and miry, Thro' the heavy 
and incessant rains which had fallen. The Enemy's 
loss in killed we could never ascertain, but have 
many reasons to believe, that it was pretty consid- 
erable, and exceeded ours a good deal. Our Re- 
treat from thence, as I said before, was absolutely 



John Augustine Washington 63 

necessaiy, the Enemy having landed the main body 
of their army to attack us in Front, while their 
ships of war were to cut off all communication with 
the city, from whence resources of men and pro- 
visions were to be drawn. ^ 

Having made this Retreat, not long after we 
discovered, by the movements of the Enemy and 
the information we received from Deserters and 
others, that they declined attacking our Lines in 
the city, and were forming a plan to get in our 
Rear with their Land army, by crossing the Sound 
above us, and thereby to cut off all Intercourse 
^vith the country and every necessary supply. The 
ships of war were to cooperate, possess the North 
River, and prevent succours from the Jerseys, &c. 
This Plan appearing probable, and but too prac- 
ticable in its execution, it became necessary to guard 
agt. the fatal consequences, that must follow, if the 
scheme were effected; for which purpose I caused 
a removal of a part of our troops and stores from 
the city; and a council of general officers deter- 
mined, that it must be entirely abandoned, as we 
had, with an army weaker than theirs, a line of six- 
teen or eighteen miles to defend, to keep open our 
communication with the country, besides the de- 
fence of the city. We held up, however, every 
show of defence, till our Sick and all our stores 
could be brought away. The evacuation being re- 
solved upon, every exertion in our power was made 
to baffle their designs and effect our own. The 

1 General Greene described the retreat as " the best effected 
retreat I ever heard or read of, considering the difficulties." 



^ 



64 George Washington 

sick were numerous, amounting to more than the 
fourth part of our whole army, and an object of 
great Importance. Happily we got them away; 
but, before we could bring off all our stores, on 
Sunday morning six or seven ships of war, which 
had gone up the East River some few days before, 
began a most severe and heavy cannonade, to scour 
the grounds and effect a landing of their Troops. 
Three Ships of War also ran up the North River 
that morning above the city, to prevent our Boats 
and small craft from carrying away our Baggage, 
&c. 

I had gone the Evening before to the main body 
of our army, which was Posted about these Heights 
and the Plains of Haerlem, where it seemed prob- 
able, from the movements and disposition of the 
Enemy, they meant to Land and make an attack 
the next morning. However the Event did not 
happen. Immediately on hearing the cannonade, 
I rode with all possible expedition towards the place 
of Landing, and where Breastworks had been 
thrown up to secure our men; and found the 
Troops, that had been posted there, to my great 
surprise and mortification, and those ordered to 
their support, (consisting of Eight Regiments) 
notwithstanding the exertions of their Generals to 
form them, running away in the most shameful and 
disgraceful manner. I used every possible effort 
to rally them, but to no purpose; and, on the 
appearance of a small part of the Enemy, (not 
more than sixty or seventy,) they ran off without 
firing a Single Gun. Many of our heavy cannon 



John Augustine Washington 65 

would inevitably have fallen into the Enemy's 
hands, as they landed so soon; but this scandal- 
ous conduct occasioned a loss of many Tents, 
Baggage, and Camp-equipage, v^^hich would have 
been easily secured, had they made the least 
opposition. 

The Retreat was made with the loss of a few men 
only. We Encamped, and still are, on the Heights 
of Haerlem, which are well suited for Defence 
against their approaches. On Monday morning, 
they advanced in sight in several large bodies, but 
attempted nothing of a general nature, tho' there 
were smart skirmishes between their advanced par- 
ties and some Detachments from our lines, which I 
sent out. In these our Troops behaved well, put- 
ting the enemy to flight in open Ground, and forc- 
ing them from Posts they had seized two or three 
times. A sergeant, who deserted from them, says 
they had, as he was told, eighty-nine wounded and 
missing, besides slain; but other accounts make 
the wounded much greater. Our loss in killed and 
wounded was about sixty ; but the greatest loss we 
sustained was in the death of Lieutenant- Colonel 
Knowlton, a brave and gallant officer. Major 
Leitch of Weedon's Regiment had three balls 
through his side, and behaved exceedingly well. 
He is in a fair way of recovery. Nothing ma- 
terial has happened since this. The Enemy, it is 
said, are bringing up their heavy cannon, so that 
we are to expect another attack soon, both by Land 
and Water, as we are upon the Hudson, (or 
North River) at the place where we have attempted 



66 George Washington 

to stop the navigation by sinking obstructions in 
the river and erecting Batteries. 

The Dependence, which the Congress have 
placed upon the mihtia, has already greatly in- 
jured, and I fear will totally ruin our cause. Being 
subject to no controul themselves, they introduce 
disorder among the troops, whom you have at- 
tempted to discipline, while the change in their liv- 
ing brings on sickness; this makes them Impatient 
to get home, which spreads universally, and in- 
troduces abominable desertions. In short, it is 
not in the power of words to describe the task I 
have to act. Fifty thousand pounds should not 
induce me again to undergo what I have done. 
Our numbers, by sickness, desertion, &c., are 
greatly reduced.^ I have been trying these four 
or five days to get a return, but have not yet suc- 
ceeded. I am sure, however, we have not more than 
x) twelve or fourteen thousand men fit for dutj% whilst 
'^ the enemy, who, it is said, are very healthy, 
cannot have less than near twenty-five thousand. 
With sincere love to my sister and the family, and 
compliments to any inquiring friends, I am, &c. 

1 " The thirteen militia regiments from Connecticut being re- 
duced to a little more than 700 men, rank and file, fit for duty, 
I have thought proper to discharge the whole to save the States 
the immense charge that would arise for officers' pay. There 
are, too, many militia that have just come in and on their 
way from that State, none of which are provided with a tent 
or a single camp utensil. This distresses me beyond measure." 
— Washington to the President of Congress, 24 September, 
1776. 



President of Congress 67 

' TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Colo. Morris's, on the Heights of Haerlem, i 

24 September, 1776. 

Sis, 

From the hours allotted to sleep, I will borrow 
a few moments to convey my thoughts on sundry 
important matters to Congress. I shall offer them 
with the sincerity, which ought to characterize a 
man of candor, and with the freedom, which may 
be used in giving useful information without in- 
curring the imputation of presumption. 

We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another 
dissolution of our army.^ The remembrance of 
the difficulties, which happened upon that occasion 
last year, and the consequences, which might have 
followed the change if proper advantages had been 
taken by the enemy, added to a knowledge of the 
present temper and situation of the troops, reflect 
but a very gloomy prospect in the appearances of 
things now, and satisfy me beyond the possibility 
of doubt, that, unless some speedy and effectual 
measures are adopted by Congress, our cause will 
be lost. It is in vain to expect, that any more than 
a trifling part of this army will again engage in 
the service on the encouragement offered by Con- 
gress. When men find that their townsmen and 
companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more 
dollars for a few months' service, which is truly 
the case, it cannot be expected, without using com- 
pulsion; and to force them into the service would 

^ The term of service for almost the whole army was to ex- 
pire at or before the end of the year. — Sparks. 



68 George Washington 

answer no valuable purpose. When men are irri- 
tated, and their passions inflamed, they fly hastily 
and cheerfully to arms; but, after the first emo- 
tions are over, to expect among such people as 
compose the bulk of an army, that they are influ- 
enced by any other principles than those of interest, 
is to look for what never did, and I fear never will 
happen; the Congress will deceive themselves, 
therefore, if they expect it. A soldier, reasoned 
with upon the goodness of the cause he is engaged 
in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, 
hears you with patience, and acknowledges the 
truth of your observations, but adds that it is of no 
more importance to him than to others. The offi- 
cer makes you the same reply, with this further 
remark, that his pay will not support him, and he 
cannot ruin himself and family to serve his coun- 
try, when every member of the community is 
equally interested, and benefited by his labors. 
The few, therefore, who act upon principles of dis- 
interestedness, comparatively speaking, are no 
more than a drop in the ocean. 

It becomes evident to me then, that, as this con- 
test is not likely to be the work of a day, as the 
war must be carried on systematically, and to do 
it you must have good officers, there are in my 
judgment no other possible means to obtain them 
but by establishing your army upon a permanent 
footing, and giving your officers good pay. This 
will induce gentlemen and men of character to en- 
gage ; and, till the bulk of your officers is composed 
of such persons as are actuated by principles of 



President of Congress 69 

honor and a spirit of enterprise, you have little to 
expect from them. They ought to have such al- 
lowances, as will enable them to live like and sup- 
port the character of gentlemen, and not be driven 
by a scanty pittance to the low and dirty arts, 
which many of them practise, to filch from the pub- 
lic more than the difference of pay would amount 
to, upon an ample allowance. Besides, something 
is due to the man, who puts his life in your hands, 
hazards his health, and forsakes the sweets of 
domestic enjoyment. Why a captain in the Con- 
tinental service should receive no more than five 
shillings currency per day for performing the same 
duties, that an officer of the same rank in the Brit- 
ish service receives ten shillings for, I never could 
conceive; especially when the latter is provided 
with every necessary he requires upon the best 
terms, and the former can scarce procure them at 
any rate. There is nothing that gives a man con- 
sequence and renders him fit for command, like a 
support that renders him independent of every 
body but the state he serves.^ 

With respect to the men, nothing but a good 
bounty can obtain them upon a permanent estab- 
lishment; and for no shorter time, than the con- 
tinuance of the war, ought they to be engaged; as 
facts incontestably prove, that the difficulty and 
cost of enlistments increase with time. When the 
army was first raised at Cambridge, I am per- 

1 " Our soldiers are as good as ever were; and were the of- 
ficers half as good as the men, they would beat any army on 
the globe of equal numbers." — General Greene, 28 September, 
1776. 



70 George Washington 

suaded the men might have been got, without a 
bounty, for the war. After this, they began to see 
that the contest was not hkely to end so speedily as 
was imagined, and to feel their consequence by re- 
marking, that, to get in their militia in the course 
of the last year, many towns were induced to give 
them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils resulting 
from this, and the destructive consequences, which 
unavoidably would follow short enlistments, I took 
the liberty in a long letter written by myself (date 
not now recollected as my Letter Book is not here) 
to recommend the enlistments for and during the 
war, assigning such reasons for it as experience has 
since convinced me were well founded. At that 
time, twenty dollars would, I am persuaded, have 
engaged the men for this term. But it will not 
do to look back; and, if the present opportunity is 
slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more 
will increase our difficulties fourfold. I shall 
therefore take the freedom of giving it as my opin- 
ion, that a good bounty should be immediately 
offered, aided by the proffer of at least a hundred 
or a hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of 
clothes and blanket to each non-comissioned officer 
and soldier; as I have good authority for saying, 
that, however high the men's pay may appear, it 
is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and 
dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in 
clothes, much less afford support to their families. 
If this encouragement then is given to the men, 
and such pay allowed the officers as will induce 
gentlemen of character and liberal sentiments to 



President of Congress 7 1 

engage, and proper care and precaution are used 
in the nomination, (having more regard to the 
characters of persons, than to the number of men 
they can enKst,) we should in a little time have an 
army able to cope with any that can be opposed to 
it, as there are excellent materials to form one out 
of. But while the only merit an officer possesses 
is his ability to raise men, while those men consider 
and treat him as an equal, and, in the character of 
an officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, 
being mixed together as one common herd, no order 
nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer ever 
meet with that respect, which is essentially neces- 
sary to due subordination. 

To place any dependence upon militia is as- 
suredly resting upon a broken staff. Men just 
dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life, un- 
accustomed to the din of arms, totally unacquainted 
with every kind of military skill, (which being fol- 
lowed by want of confidence in themselves, when 
opposed to troops regularly trained, disciplined, 
and appointed, superior in knowledge and superior 
in arms,) makes them timid and ready to fly from 
their owti shadows. Besides the sudden change in 
their manner of living, (particularly in the lodg- 
ing,) brings on sickness in many, impatience in all, 
and such an unconquerable desire of returning to 
their respective homes, that it not only produces 
shameful and scandalous desertions among them- 
selves, but infuses the like spirit in others. Again, 
men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no con- 
trol cannot brooke the restraint, which is indispen- 



72 George Washington 

sably necessary to the good oi-3er and government 
of an army; without which, hcentiousness and 
every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. To 
bring men to a proper degree of subordination is 
not the work of a day, a month, or even a year; 
and, unhappily for us and the cause we are engaged 
in, the little discipline I have been laboring to es- 
tabhsh in the army under my immediate command 
is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture 
of troops, as have been called together within these 
few months. 

Relaxed and as unfit as our rules and regula- 
tions of war are for the government of an army, 
the militia {those properly so called, for of these 
we have two sorts, the six-months' men, and those 
sent in as a temporary aid) do not think themselves 
subject to them, and therefore take liberties, which 
the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy; 
jealousy begets dissatisfaction; and these by de- 
grees ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army 
in a confused and disordered state, rendering the 
time of those, who wish to see regularity and good 
order prevail, more unhappy than words can de- 
scribe. Besides this, such repeated changes take 
place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and 
the constant fluctuation of things deranges every 
plan as fast as adopted. 

These, Sir, Congress may be assured, are but a 
small part of the inconveniences, which might be 
enumerated, and attributed to militia; but there is 
one, that merits particular attention, and that is 
the expense. Certain I am, that it would be 



President of Congress 73 

cheaper to keep fifty or a hundred thousand in con- 
stant pay, than to depend upon half the number 
and supply the other half occasionally by militia. 
[The time the latter are in pay before and after they 
are in camp, assembling and marching, the waste 
of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, 
in spite of every resolution or requisition of Con- 
gress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, 
added to other incidental expenses consequent 
upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses 
all idea, and destroys every kind of regularity and 
economy, which you could establish among fixed 
and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, prove, 
if the scheme is adhered to, the ruin of our 
cause, f 

TEe jealousy of a standing army, and the evils 
to be apprehended from one, are remote, and, in 
my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we 
are, not at all to be dreaded; but the consequence 
of wanting one, according to my ideas formed from 
the present view of things, is certain and inevitable 
ruin. For, if I was called upon to declare upon 
oath, whether the militia have been most serviceable 
or hurtful upon the whole, I should subscribe to 
the latter. I do not mean by this, however, to ar- 
raign the conduct of Congress ; in so doing I should 
equally condemn my own measures, if I did not 
my judgment; but experience, which is the best 
criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, and decisively 
reprobates the practice of trusting to militia, that 
no man, who regards order, regularity, and econ- 
omy, or who has any regard for his own honor, 



74 George Washington 

character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon 
this issue. 

No less attention should be paid to the choice of 
surgeons, than of other officers of the army. They 
should undergo a regular examination, and, if not 
appointed by the director-general and surgeons of 
the hospital, they ought to be subordinate to and 
governed by his directions. The regimental sur- 
geons I am speaking of, many of whom are very 
great rascals, countenancing the men in sham com- 
plaints to exempt them from duty, and often re- 
ceiving bribes to certify indispositions, with a view 
to procure discharges or furloughs; but, independ- 
ent of these practices, while they are considered as 
unconnected with the general hospital, there will 
be nothing but continual complaints of each other; 
the director of the hospital charging them with 
enormity in their drafts for the sick, and they him 
with the same for denying such things as are neces- 
sary. In short, there is a constant bickering among 
them, which tends greatly to the injury of the sick, 
and will always subsist till the regimental surgeons 
are made to look up to the director-general of the 
hospital as a superior. Whether this is the case 
in regular armies or not, I cannot undertake to 
say; but certain I am, there is a necessity for it 
in this, or the sick will suffer. The regimental sur- 
geons are aiming, I am persuaded, to break up the 
general hospital, and have, in numberless instances, 
drawn for medicines and stores in the most profuse 
and extravagant manner for private purposes. 

Another matter highly worthy of attention is, 



President of Congress 75 

that other rules and regulations may be adopted 
for the government of the army, than those now in 
existence; otherwise the army, but for the name, 
might as well be disbanded. For the most atro- 
cious oifences, one or two instances only excepted, a 
man receives no more than thirty-nine lashes; and 
these, perhaps, through the collusion of the officer, 
who is to see it inflicted, are given in such a manner 
as to become rather a matter of sport than punish- 
ment; but, when inflicted as they ought, many 
hardened fellows, who have been the subjects, have 
declared that, for a bottle of rum, they would un- 
dergo a second operation. It is evident, therefore, 
that this punishment is inadequate to many crimes 
it is assigned to. As a proof of it, thirty or forty 
soldiers will desert at a time, and of late a practice 
prevails (as you will see by my letter of the 22d) 
of the most alarming nature and which will, if it 
cannot be checked, prove fatal both to the country 
and army ; I mean the infamous practice of plun- 
dering. For, under the idea of Tory property, or 
property that may fall into the hands of the enemy, 
no man is secure in his effects, and scarcely in his 
person. In order to get at them, we have several 
instances of people being frightened out of their 
houses, under pretence of those houses being or- 
dered to be burnt, and this is done with a view of 
seizing the goods; nay, in order that the villany 
may be more effectually concealed, some houses have 
actually been burnt, to cover the theft. I have, 
with some others, used my utmost endeavors to 
stop this horrid practice ; but under the present lust 



76 George Washington 

after plunder, and want of laws to punish offend- 
ers, I might almost as well attempt to remove 
Mount Atlas. I have ordered instant corporal 
punishment upon every man, who passes our lines, 
or is seen with plunder, that the offenders might be 
punished for disobedience of orders; and enclose to 
you the proceedings of a court-martial held upon 
an officer [Ensign Matthew McCumber] who, with 
a party of men, had robbed a house a little beyond 
our lines of a number of valuable goods, among 
which (to show that nothing escapes) were four 
large pier looking-glasses, women's clothes, and 
other articles, which, one would think, could be of 
no earthly use to him. He was met by a major 
of brigade, [Box] who ordered him to return the 
goods, as taken contrary to general orders, which 
he not only peremptorily refused to do, but drew 
up his party, and swore he would defend them at 
the hazard of his life ; on which I ordered him to be 
arrested and tried for plundering, disobedience of 
orders, and mutiny. For the result, I refer to the 
proceedings of the court, whose judgment ap- 
peared so exceedingly extraordinary,^ that I or- 
dered a reconsideration of the matter, upon which, 
and with the assistance of a fresh evidence, they 
made a shift to cashier him. I adduce this in- 

1 The court decided that the prisoner was " not guilty of 
plundering or of robbery, nor of mutiny, but that he is guilty 
of offering violence to and disobeying Major Box, his superior 
officer." He was sentenced to ask pardon of Major Box, and 
to be severely reprimanded at the head of his regiment. Wash- 
ington had added " Note. It is to be observed that the men 
who were to share the plunder became the evidences for the 
prisoner." — Ford. 



President of Congress 77 

stance, to give some idea to Congress of the cur- 
rent sentiments and general run of the officers, 
which compose the present army; and to show how 
exceedingly necessary it is to be careful in the 
choice of the new set, even if it should take double 
the time to complete the levies. 

An army formed of good offiicers moves like 
clock-work; but there is no situation upon earth 
less enviable, nor more distressing, than that per- 
son's, who is at the head of troops which are 
regardless of order and discipline, and who are un- 
provided with almost every necessarj'-. ^ In a word, 
the difficulties, which have for ever surrounded me 
since I have been in the service, and kept my mind 
constantly upon the stretch, the wounds, which my 
feelings as an officer have received by a thousand 
things, which have happened contrary to my ex- 
pectation and wishes; the effect of my own con- 
duct, and present appearance of things, so little 
pleasing to myself, as to render it a matter of no 
surprise to me if I should stand capitally censured 
by Congress; added to a consciousness of my in- 
ability to govern an army composed of such dis- 
cordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate 
and perplexing circumstances; — induces not only 
a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that 
it will be impossible, unless there is a thorough 
change in our military system, for me to conduct 
matters in such a manner as to give satisfaction to 
the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or 
ever wished for. * * * 



78 George Washington 

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. 

Hackinsac, 19 November, 1776. 

Dear Brother, 

* * * It is a matter of great grief and sur- 
prise to me to find the different States so slow and 
inattentive to that essential business of levying 
their quotas of men. In ten days from this date, 
there will not be above two thousand men, if that 
number, of the fixed established regiments on this 
side of Hudson's River to oppose Howe's whole 
army, and very little more on the other to secure 
the eastern colonies and the important passes lead- 
ing through the Highlands to Albany, and the 
country about the Lakes. In short, it is impos- 
sible for me, in the compass of a letter, to give you 
any idea of our situation, of my difficulties, and of 
the constant perplexities and mortifications I meet 
with, derived from the unhappy policy of short en- 
listments, and delaying them too long. Last fall, 
or winter, before the army, which was then to be 
raised, was set about, I represented in clear and 
explicit terms the evils, which would arise from 
short enlistments, the expense which must attend 
the raising an army every year, the futility of such 
an army when raised; and, if I had spoken with a 
prophetic spirit, I could not have foretold the evils 
with more accuracy than I did. All the year since, 
I have been pressing Congress to delay no time in 
engaging men upon such terms as would ensure 
success, telling them that the longer it was delayed 
the more difficult it would prove. But the meas- 



John Augustine Washington 79 

ure was not commenced till it was too late to be 
effected, and then in such a manner, as to bid 
adieu to every hope of getting an army, from which 
any services are to be expected; the different 
States, without regard to the qualifications of an 
officer, quarelling about the appointments, and 
nominating such as are not fit to be shoe blacks, 
from the local attachments of this or that member 
of Assembly. 

I am wearied almost to death with the retrograde 
motion of things, and I solemnly protest, that a 
pecuniary reward of twenty thousand pounds a year 
would not induce me to undergo what I do; and 
after all, perhaps, to lose my character, as it is 
impossible, under such a variety of distressing 
circumstances, to conduct matters agreeably to 
public expectation, or even to the expectation of 
those, who employ me, as they will not make proper 
allowances for the difficulties their own errors have 
occasioned. * * * ^ 

1 " A large part of the Jerseys have given every proof of 
disaffection that they can do, and this part of Pennsylvania are 
equally inimical. In short, your imagination can scarce extend 
to a situation more distressing than mine. Our only depend- 
ence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If this 
fails, I think the game will be pretty well up, as, from disaffec- 
tion and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants, instead 
of resistance, are offering submission and taking protection 
from Gen. Howe in Jersey." — Washington to Lund Washington, 
17 December, 1776. 

"But we are in a very disaffected part of the Province; and, 
between you and me, I think our affairs are in a very bad situa- 
tion; not so much from the apprehension of General Howe's 
army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Penn- 
sylvania. In short, the conduct of the Jerseys has been most 
Infamous. Instead of turning out to defend their country, & 



8o George Washington 

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Head-Quarters, Newtown, 

27 December, 1776. 

Sir, 

I have the pleasure of congratulating you upon 
the success of an enterprise, which I had formed 
against a detachment of the enemy lying in Tren- 
ton, and which was executed yesterday morning. 
The evening of the 25th I ordered the troops 
intended for this service to parade back of McKon- 
key's Ferry, that they might begin to pass as soon 
as it grew dark, imagining we should be able to 
throw them all over, with the necessary artillery, 
by twelve o'clock, and that we might easily arrive 
at Trenton by five in the morning, the distance be- 
ing about nine miles. But the quantity of ice, 

affording aid to our army, they are making their submissions 
as fast as they can. If the Jerseys had given us any support, 
we might have made a stand at Hackinsac, and after that at 
Brunswic; but the few militia, that were in arms, disbanded 
themselves & left the poor remains of our army to make the 
best we could of it." — Washington to John Augustine Washing- 
ton, 18 December, 1776. 

" Your collection of old clothes for the use of our army de- 
serves my warmest thanks; they are of the greatest use, and 
shall be distributed where they are most wanted. I think if the 
Committee, or some proper persons, were appointed to go 
through the County of Bucks and make a collection of blank- 
ets, &c., in the manner you have done in Philadelphia, it would 
be better than doing it in a military way by me, for many peo- 
ple, who would be willing to contribute or sell, if asked to do 
so by their neighbors or acquaintances, feel themselves hurt 
when the demand is made, backed by an armed force. But I 
would at the same time remark that if any, who can spare with- 
out inconvenience, refuse to do it, I would immediately give 
proper assistance to take from them." — Washington to the Penn- 
sylvania Council of Safety, 22 December, 1776. 



President of Congress 8i 

made that night, impeded the passage of the boats 
so much, that it was three o'clock before the artillery 
could all be got over; and near four, before the 
troops took up their line of march. This made me 
despair of surprising the town, as I well knew we 
could not reach it before the day was fairly broke. 
But as I was certain there was no making a retreat 
without being discovered and harassed on repass- 
ing the river, I determined to push on at all events. 
I formed my detachment into two divisions, one 
to march by the lower or river road, the other by 
the upper or Pennington road. As the divisions 
had nearly the same distance to march, I ordered 
each of them, immediately upon forcing the out- 
guards, to push directly into the town, that they 
might charge the enemy before they had time to 
form. 

The upper division arrived at the enemy's ad- 
vanced posts exactly at eight o'clock; and in three 
minutes after, I found, from the fire on the lower 
road, that the [other] division had also got up. 
The outguards made but small opposition, though, 
for their numbers, they behaved very well, keeping 
up a constant retreating fire from behind houses. 
We presently saw their main body formed; but, 
from their motions, they seemed undetermined how 
to act. Being hard pressed by our troops, who had 
already got possession of their artillery, they at- 
tempted to file off by a road on their right, leading 
to Princeton. But, perceiving their intention, I 
threw a body of troops in their way, which im- 
mediately checked them. Finding from our dis- 



82 George Washington 

position, that they were surrounded, and that they 
must inevitably be cut to pieces if they made any 
further resistance, they agreed to lay down their 
arms. The number that submitted in this manner 
was twenty-three officers and eight hundred and 
eighty-six men. Colonel Rahl, the commanding 
officer, and seven others were found wounded in 
the town. I do not exactly know how many were 
killed; but I fancy not above twenty or thirty, as 
they never made any regular stand. Our loss is 
very trifling indeed, only two officers and one or 
two privates wounded. 

I find that the detachment of the enemy con- 
sisted of the three Hessian regiments of Anspach, 
Kniphausen, and Rahl, amounting to about fifteen 
hundred men, and a troop of British light-horse; 
but immediately upon the beginning of the attack, 
all those, who were not killed or taken, pushed di- 
rectly down the road towards Bordentown. These 
would likewise have fallen into our hands, could 
my plan have been completely carried into execu- 
tion. General Ewing was to have crossed before 
day at Trenton Ferry, and taken possession of the 
bridge leading out of town; but the quantity of ice 
was so great, that, though he did everything in his 
power, to effect it, he could not get over. The dif- 
ficulty also hindered General Cadwalader from 
crossing with the Pennsylvania militia from Bris- 
tol. He got part of his foot over; but, finding it 
impossible to embark his artillery, he was obliged 
to desist. I am fully confident, that, could the 
troops under Generals Ewing and Cadwalader have 



President of Congress 83 

passed the river, I should have been able with their 
assistance to drive the enemy from all their posts 
below Trenton. But the numbers I had with me 
being inferior to theirs below me, and a strong 
battalion of light infantry being at Princeton above 
me, I thought it most prudent to return the same 
evening with the prisoners and the artillery we had 
taken. We found no stores of any consequence 
in the town. 

In justice to the officers and men, I must add, 
that their behavior upon this occasion reflects the 
highest honor upon them. The difficulty of pass- 
ing the river in a very severe night, and their march 
through a violent storm of snow and hail, did not 
in the least abate their ardor; but, when they came 
to the charge, each seemed to vie with the other in 
pressing forward; and were I to give a preference 
to any particular corps, I should do great injus- 
tice to the others. Colonel Baylor, my first aid- 
de-camp, will have the honor of delivering this to 
you; and from him you may be made acquainted 
with many other particulars. His spirited behav- 
ior upon every occasion requires me to recommend 
him to your particular notice. I have the honor to 
be, &c. 

P.S. Inclosed you have a particular list of the 
Prisoners, Artillery, and other stores. 



84 George Washington 

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Pluckemin, 5 January, 1777. 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform you, that, since the 
date of my last from Trenton, I have removed with 
the army under my command to this place. The 
difficulty of crossing the Delaware, on acisount of 
the ice, made our passage over it tedious, and gave 
the enemy an opportunity of drawing in their sev- 
eral cantonments, and assembling their whole force 
at Princeton. Their large pickets advanced to- 
wards Trenton, their great preparations, and some 
intelligence I had received, added to their know- 
ledge, that the 1st of January brought on a dis- 
solution of the best part of our army, gave me the 
strongest reasons to conclude, that an attack upon 
us was meditating. 

Our situation was most critical, and our force 
small. To remove immediately was again de- 
stroying every dawn of hope, which had begun to 
revive in the breasts of the Jersey militia; and to 
bring those troops, who had first crossed the Dela- 
ware and were lying at Crosswicks under General 
Cadwalader, and those under General ^lifflin at 
Bordentown, (amounting in the whole to about 
three thousand six hundred) to Trenton, was to 
bring them to an exposed place. One or the other, 
however, was unavoidable. The latter was pre- 
ferred, and they were ordered to join us at Tren- 
ton, which they did, by a night -march, on the 1st 
instant. On the 2d, according to my expectation, 
the enemy began to advance upon us; and, after 



President of Congress 85 

some skirmishing, the head of their column reached 
Trenton about four o'clock, whilst their rear was 
as far back as Maidenhead. They attempted to 
pass Sanpink Creek, which runs through Trenton, 
at different places; but, finding the fords guarded, 
they halted, and kindled their fires. We were 
drawn up on the other side of the creek. In this 
situation we remained till dark, cannonading the 
enemy, and receiving the fire of their field-pieces, 
which did us but little damage. 

Having by this time discovered, that the enemy 
were greatly superior in number, and that their 
design was to surround us, I ordered all our bag- 
gage to be removed silently to Burlington soon 
after dark; and at twelve o'clock after renewing 
our fires, and leaving guards at the bridge in Tren- 
ton, and other passes on the same stream above, 
marched by a roundabout road to Princeton, where 
I knew they could not have much force left, and 
might have stores. One thing I was certain of, that 
it would avoid the appearance of a retreat (which 
was of consequence, or to run the hazard of the 
whole army being cut off), whilst we might by a 
fortunate stroke withdraw General Howe from 
Trenton, and give some reputation to our arms. 
Happily we succeeded. We found Princeton 
about sunrise, with only three regiments and three 
troops of light-horse in it, two of which were on 
their march to Trenton. These three regiments, 
especially the two first, made a gallant resistance, 
and, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, must have 
lost five hundred men; upwards of one hundred of 



86 George Washington 

them were left dead on the field; and, with what I 
have with me and what were taken in the pursuit 
and carried across the Delaware, there are near 
three hundred prisoners, fourteen of whom are offi- 
cers, all British. 

This piece of good fortune is counterbalanced by 
the loss of the brave and worthy General Mercer/ 
Colonels Hazlet and Potter, Captain Neal of the 
artillery, Captain Fleming, who commanded the 
1st Virginia regiment, and four or five other valu- 
able officers, who, with about twenty-five or thirty 
privates, were slain in the field. Our whole loss 
cannot be ascertained, as many, who were in pur- 
suit of the enemy (who were chased three or four 
miles), are not yet come in. The rear of the ene- 
my's army lying at Maidenhead, not more than five 
or six miles from Princeton, was up with us before 
our pursuit was over; but, as I had the precaution 
to destroy the bridge over Stony Brook, about half 
a mile from the field of action, they were so long 
retarded there, as to give us time to move off in 
good order for this place. We took two brass 
field-pieces ; but, for want of horses, could not bring 
them away. We also took some blankets, shoes, 
and a few other trifling articles, burned the hay, 
and destroyed such other things, as the shortness 
of the time would admit of. 

My original plan, when I set out from Trenton, 
was, to push on to Brunswic ; but the harassed state 

1 This report of General Mercer's death was premature. He 
was captured by the British and died of his wounds on Janu- 
ary 12th. 



President of Congress 87 

of our troops, many of them having had no rest 
for two nights and a day, and the danger of los- 
ing the advantage we had gained by aiming at too 
much, induced me, by the advice of my officers, to 
rehnquish the attempt. But, in my judgment, six 
or eight hundred fresh troops upon a forced march 
would have destroyed all their stores and maga- 
zines, taken (as we have since learned) their mili- 
tary chest, containing seventy thousand pounds, 
and put an end to the war. The enemy, from the 
best intelligence I have been able to get, were so 
much alarmed at the apprehension of this, that they 
marched immediately to Brunswic without halting, 
except at the bridges (for I also took up those on 
Millstone, on the different routes to Brunswic), 
and got there before day. 

From the best information I have received, Gen- 
eral Howe has left no men either at Trenton or 
Princeton. The truth of this I am endeavoring 
to ascertain, that I may regulate my movements 
accordingly. The militia are taking spirits, and, 
I am told, are coming in fast from this State; but 
I fear those from Philadelphia will scarcely submit 
to the hardships of a winter campaign much 
longer, especially as they very unluckily sent their 
blankets with their baggage to Burlington. I 
must do them the justice however to add, that they 
have undergone more fatigue and hardship, than 
I expected militia, especially citizens, would have 
done at this inclement season. I am just moving 
to Morristown, where I shall endeavor to put them 
under the best cover I can. Hitherto we have been 



88 George Washington 

without any; and many of our poor soldiers quite 
barefoot, and ill clad in other respects. I have the 
honor to be, &c/ 



TO THE PRESn)ENT OF CONGRESS ^ 

Chester twelve o'clock at Night, 
11 September, 1777. 

Sir, 

I am sorry to inform you, that, in this day's en- 
gagement [the battle of Brandywine], we have 
been obliged to leave the enemy masters of the 
field. Unfortunately the intelligence reed., of the 
enemy's advancing up the Brandywine & crossing 
at a ford about six miles above us, was uncertain 
& contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to 
get the best. This prevented my making a dis- 
position adequate to the force with which the enemy 

1 In both the actions at Trenton and Princeton, General Wash- 
ington encouraged the troops by his presence in the most ex- 
posed situations. An officer who was in these engagements 
wrote from Morristown on the 7th of January: " Our army love 
their General very much, but they have one thing against him, 
which is the little care he takes of himself in any action. His 
personal bravery, and the desire he has of animating his troops 
by example, make him fearless of danger. This occasions us 
much uneasiness. But Heaven, which has hitherto been his 
shield, I hope will still continue to guard so valuable a life." — 
S'parks. 

- It is told of this letter that Washington after the fatigues 
of this day was too wearied to write to Congress, and directed 
one of his aides to do it. Harrison was too " distressed," and 
so it fell to Pickering, the Adjutant-General. " I wrote it and 
gave it to the General to read. He, with perfect composure, 
directed me to add a consolatory hope that another day would 
give a more fortunate result." Greene, Life of Nathaniel 
Greene, i., 454. The draft and original letter are both in Pick- 
ering's handwriting. — Ford. 



President of Congress 89 

attacked us on our right; in consequence of which, 
the troops first engaged were obliged to retire be- 
fore they could be reinforced. In the midst of the 
attack on our right, that body of the enemy, which 
remained on the other side of Chad's Ford, crossed 
it, & attacked the division there under the com- 
mand of General Wayne, & the light troops under 
Genl Maxwell, who, after a severe conflict, also re- 
tired. The militia under the command of Major- 
General Armstrong, being posted at a ford about 
two miles below Chad's, had no opportunity of 
engaging. 

But altho we fought under many disadvantages, 
and were, from the causes above mentioned, obliged 
to retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, 
very considerable; I believe much less than the 
enemy's. We have also lost seven or eight pieces 
of cannon, according to the best information I can 
at present obtain. The baggage, having been pre- 
viously moved off, is all secure, saving the men's 
blankets, which being at their backs, man}^ of them 
doubtless were lost. I have directed all the troops 
to assemble behind Chester, where they are now 
arranging for this night. Notwithstanding the 
misfortune of the day, I am happy to find the 
troops in good spirits; and I hope another time we 
shall compensate for the losses now sustained. 
The Marquis de Lafayette was wounded in the 
leg, & General Woodford in the hand; divers other 
officers were wounded, & some slain; but the num- 
bers of either cannot now be ascertained. I have 
the honor to be, &c. 



90 George Washington 

P. S. It has not been in my power to send you 
earher intelhgence, the present being the first leis- 
ure moment I have had since the action. 



TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Camp, 22 September, 1777. 

Sir, 

The distressed situation of the army for want of 
blankets, and many necessary articles of cloathing, 
is truly deplorable; and must inevitably be de- 
structive to it, unless a speedy remedy be applied. 
Without a better supply than they at present have, 
it will be impossible for the men to support the 
fatigues of the campaign in the further progress 
of the approaching inclement season. This you 
well know to be a melancholy truth. It is equally 
the dictate of common sense and the opinion of the 
Physicians of the army, as well as of every officer 
in it. No supply can be drawn from the public 
magazines. We have therefore no resource but 
from the private stock of individuals. I feel, and 
I lament, the absolute necessity of requiring the 
inhabitants to contribute to those wants, which we 
have no other means of satisfying, and which if un- 
removed would involve the ruin of the army, and 
perhaps the ruin of America. Painful as it is to 
me to order and as it will be to you to execute the 
measure, I am compelled to desire you immediately 
to proceed to Philadelphia, and there procure from 
the inhabitants contributions of blankets and 
cloathing, and materials to answer the purposes of 



Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hamilton 91 

both, in proportion to the ability of each. This 
you will do with as much delicacy and discretion, 
as the nature of the business demands; and I trust 
the necessity will justify the proceeding in the eyes 
of every person well affected to the American 
cause, and that all good citizens will chearfully 
afford their assistance to soldiers, whose sufferings 
they are bound to commiserate, and who are emi- 
nently exposed to danger and distress, in defence 
of every thing they ought to hold dear. 

As there are also a number of horses in Phila- 
delphia both of public and private property, which 
would be a valuable acquisition to the enemy, 
should the city by any accident fall into their hands, 
you are hereby authorized and commanded to re- 
move them thence into the Country to some place 
of greater security, and more remote from the 
operations of the enemy. You will stand in need 
of assistance from others to execute this commis- 
sion with despatch and propriety, and you are 
therefore empowered to employ such persons as 
you shall think proper to aid you therein. I am. 
Sir, &c.^ 

1 " I do not wish your exertions to be solely directed to ob- 
taining Shoes and Blankets — extend them to every other article 
you know to be material for the army; your own prudence will 
point out the least exceptionable means to be pursued in these 
instances — but remember, that delicacy and a strict adherence 
to the ordinary modes of application must give place to our 
necessities. We must if possible, accommodate the soldiery 
with such articles as they stand in need of or we shall have just 
reasons to apprehend the most injurious and alarming conse- 
quences from the approaching season. . . . The business 
you are upon I know is disagreeable, and perhaps in the execu- 
tion you may meet with more obstacles than were at first ap- 



92 George Washington 

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON 

Philadelphia County, 18 October, 1777. 

Dear Brother, 

Your kind and affectionate Letters of the 21st 
of Septr. & 2d Inst, came safe to hand. 

When my last to you was dated I know not; 
for truly I can say, that my whole time is so much 
engrossed, that I have scarcely a moment, but 
sleeping ones, for relaxation, or to indulge myself 
in writing to a friend. The anxiety you have been 
under, on acct of this army, I can easily conceive. 
Would to God there had been less cause for it; or 
tliat our situation at present was such as to promise 
much from it. The Enemy crossed the Schuyl- 
kill which, by the by, above the Falls (& the Falls 
you know is only five miles from the city) is as 
easily crossed in any place as Potomac Run, Aquia, 
or any other broad & shallow water, rather by 
stratagem; tho I do not know, that it was in our 
power to prevent it, as their manoeuvres made it 



prehended and also with opposition. To the parties I have 
mentioned, call in such a number of militia as you may think 
necessary, observing however, over the conduct of the whole, 
a strict discipline, to prevent every species of rapine and dis- 
order." — Washington to Hamilton, 22 September, 1777. 

" I am glad you have began the collection of Blankets and 
Shoes. This business cannot be carried to too great an extent, 
and I think if the measure is properly pursued, great quanti- 
ties of Blankets, Rugs and coverlids may be collected in the 
back Counties. The approach of the enemy to Philadelphia 
hindered the officers I sent upon that Business from doing much, 
the disaffected hid their goods the moment the thing took wind, 
and our friends had before parted with all they could spare." 
— Washington to Elbridge Gerry, 27 September, 1777. 



John Augustine Washington 93 

necessary for us to attend to our Stores, which lay 
at Reading, towards which they seemed bending 
their course, and the loss of which must have proved 
our Ruin. After they had crossed, we took the 
first favorable opportunity of attacking them/ 

This was attempted by a night's march of four- 
teen miles to surprise them, which we effectually 
did, so far as to reach their guards before they 
had notice of our coming ; and but for a thick Fog, 
which rendered so infinitely dark at times as not 
to distinguish friend from Foe at the distance of 
thirty yards, we should, I beheve, have made a de- 
cisive and glorious day of it. But Providence or 
some unaccountable something designed it other- 
wise; for after we had driven the Enemy a mile or 
two, after they were in the utmost confusion and 
fiying before us in most places, after we were upon 
the point, ( as it appeared to every body, ) of grasp- 
ing a compleat victory, our own troops took fright 
and fled with precipitation and disorder. How to 
acct for this, I know not; unless, as I before ob- 
served, the Fog represented their own Friends to 
them for a Reinforcement of the Enemy, as we at- 
tacked in different Quarters at the same time, and 
were about closing the wings of our army when 
this happened. One thing, indeed, contributed 
not a httle to our misfortune, and that was want of 
ammunition on the right wing, which began the 
Engagement, and in the course of two hours and 
forty minutes, which time it lasted, had, (many of 

1 The engagement here described is the battle of Germantown. 



94 George Washington 

them,) expended the forty Rounds, that they took 
into the Field. After the Engagement we re- 
moved to a place about twenty miles from the 
Enemy, to collect our Forces together, to take care 
of our wounded, get furnished with necessaries 
again, and be in a better posture, either for offen- 
sive or defensive operations. We are now ad- 
vancing towards the Enemy again, being at this 
time within twelve miles of them. 

Our loss in the late action was, in killed, 
wounded, and missing, about one thousand men, 
but of the missing, many, I dare say, took advan- 
tage of the times, and deserted. Genl. Nash of No. 
Carolina was wounded, and died two or three days 
after. Many valuable officers of ours was also 
wounded, and some killed. The Enemy's loss is 
variously reported — none make it less than 1500 
(killed & wounded) & many estimate it much 
larger. Genl. Agnew of theirs was certainly killed 
— many officers wounded among whom some of 
distinction. This we certainly know, that the 
Hospital at Philadelphia & several large Meeting 
Houses, are filled with their wounded besides pri- 
vate Houses with the Horses. In a word, it was a 
bloody day. Would to Heaven I could add, that 
it had been a more fortunate one for us. 

Our distress on acct. of Cloathing is great, and 
in a little time must be very sensibly felt, unless 
some expedient can be hit upon to obtain them. 
We have since the Battle got in abt. 1200 Militia 
from Virginia — about the same number have gone 



John Augustine Washington 95 

off from this State and Jersey but others are prom- 
ised in Heu of them — with truth however it may be 
said, that this State acts most infamously, the Peo- 
ple of it, I mean, as we derive Httle or no assistance, 
from them. In short they are, in a manner, to- 
tally, disaffected, or in a kind of Lethargy. 

The Enemy are making vigorous efforts to 
remove the obstructions in the Delaware, and to 
possess themselves of the Works which have been 
constructed for the Defence of them. — I am doing 
all I can in my present situation to save them, 
God only knows which will succeed. 

I very sincerely congratulate you on the change 
in your Family. Tell the young couple, after 
wishing them joy of their union, that it is my sin- 
cere hope, that it will be as happy and lasting as 
their present joys are boundless. The Enclosed 
Letter of thanks to my sister for her elegant pres- 
ent you will please to deliver; and, with sincere 
affection for you all, I am &c. 

P. S. I had scarce finished this Letter when by 
express from the State of New York I received the 
Important and glorious news which follows: — 

"Albany 13th Octr., 1777. 

" Last night at 8 o'clock the capitulation whereby 
General Burgoyne & whole Army surrendered themselves 
Prisoners of War, was signed and this Morning they 
have to march out towds. the River above Fish Creek 
with the Honours of War (and there ground their Arms) 
they are from thence to be marched to Massachusetts 
bay. 



96 George Washington 

" We congratulate you on this liappy event, & remain 
&c. 

" Geo. Clinton." 

I most devoutly congratulate you, my country, 
and every well wisher to the cause on this signal 
stroke of Providence. Yrs. as before.^ 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Valley Forge, 23 December, 1777. 

Sir, 

Full as I was in my representation of the mat- 
ters in the commissary's department yesterday, 
fresh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add, 
that I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that, un- 
less some great and capital change suddenly takes 
[place] in that line, this army must inevitably be 
reduced to one or other of these three things ; starve, 
dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence 

1 General Gates made no official report to the commander-in- 
chief concerning Burgoyne's surrender. Washington expressed 
to him his regret " that a matter of such magnitude, and so 
interesting to our general operations, should have reached me 
by report only, or through the channel of letters, iiot bearing 
that authenticity, which the importance of it required, and 
which it would have received by a line under your signature, 
stating the simple fact." — Washington to Gates, 30 October, 
1777. In a letter written November 2, 1777, and devoted chiefly 
to other matters, Gates said, apparently as an afterthought, 
" Congress having been requested immediately to transmit cop- 
ies of all my despatches to them, I am confident your Excellency 
has long ago received all the good news from this quarter." 
This is the only statement which Gates saw fit to send to 
Washington concerning one of the most important events of 
the war. 



President of Congress 97 

in the best manner they can. Rest assured, Sir, 
this is not an exaggerated picture, and that I have 
abundant reason to suppose what I say. 

Yesterday afternoon, receiving information that 
the enemy in force had left the city, and were ad- 
vancing towards Derby with the apparent design 
to forage, and draw subsistence from that part of 
the country, I ordered the troops to be in readiness, 
that I might give every opposition in my power; 
when behold, to my great mortification, I was not 
only informed, but convinced, that the men were 
unable to stir on account of provision, and that a 
dangerous mutiny, begun the night before, and 
which with difficulty was suppressed by the spirited 
exertions of some officers, was still much to be ap- 
prehended for want of this article. This brought 
forth the only commissary in the purchasing line 
in this camp; and, with him, this melancholy and 
alarming truth, that he had not a single hoof of 
any kind to slaughter, and not more than twenty- 
five barrels of flour! From hence form an opinion 
of our situation when I add, that he could not tell 
when to expect any. 

All I could do under these circumstances, was 
to send out a few light parties to watch and harass 
the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly de- 
tached different ways to collect, if possible, as much 
provision as would satisfy the present pressing- 
wants of the soldiery. But will this answer? No, 
Sir; three or four days of bad weather would prove 
our destruction. What then is to become of the 
army this winter? And if we are so often without 



gS George Washington 

provisions now, what is to become of us in the 
spring, when our force will be collected, with the aid 
perhaps of militia to take advantage of an early 
campaign, before the enemy can be reinforced? 
These are considerations of great magnitude, 
meriting the closest attention; and they will, when 
my own reputation is so intimately connected with 
the event and to be affected by it, justify my say- 
ing, that the present commissaries are by no means 
equal to the execution of the office, or that the 
disaffection of the people is past all belief. The 
misfortune, however, does in my opinion proceed 
from both causes; and, though I have been tender 
heretofore of giving any opinion, or lodging com- 
plaints, as the change in that department took place 
contrary to my judgment, and the consequences 
thereof were predicted; yet, finding that the in- 
activity of the army, whether for want of provis- 
ions, clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my 
account, not only by the common vulgar but by 
those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpa- 
tion of myself. With truth, then, I can declare, 
that no man in my opinion ever had his measures 
more impeded than I have, by every department of 
the army. 

Since the month of July we have had no assist- 
ance from the quartermaster-general, and to want 
of assistance from this department the commissary- 
general charges great part of his deficiency. To 
this I am to add, that, notwithstanding it is a 
standing order, and often repeated, that the troops 
shall always have two days' provisions by them. 



President of Congress 99 

that they might be ready at any sudden call; yet an 
opportunity has scarcely ever offered, of taking an 
advantage of the enemy, that has not been either 
totally obstructed, or greatly impeded, on this ac- 
count. And this, the great and crying evil, is not 
all. The soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed 
by Congress, we see none of, nor have we seen 
them, I believe, since the battle of Brandywine. 
The first, indeed, we have now little occasion for; 
few men having more than one shirt, many only 
the moiety of one, and some none at all. In ad- 
dition to which, as a proof of the little benefit re- 
ceived from a clothier-general, and as a further 
proof of the inability of an army, under the circum- 
stances of this, to perform the common duties of 
soldiers, (besides a number of men confined to 
hospitals for want of shoes, and others in farmers' 
houses on the same account,) we have, by a field- 
return this day made, no less than two thousand 
eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp 
unfit for duty, because they are barefoot and other- 
wise naked. By the same return it appears, that 
our whole strength in Continental troops, includ- 
ing the eastern brigades, which have joined us since 
the surrender of General Burgoyne, exclusive of 
the Maryland troops sent to Wilmington, amounts 
to no more than eight thousand two hundred in 
camp fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that 
since the 4th instant, our numbers fit for duty, 
from the hardships and exposures they have un- 
dergone, particularly on account of blankets 
(numbers having been obliged, and still are, to sit 



loo George Washington 

up all night by fires, instead of taking comfortable 
rest in a natural and common way) , have decreased 
near two thousand men. 

We find gentlemen, without knowing whether 
the army was really going into winter-quarters or 
not (for I am sure no resolution of mine would 
warrant the Remonstrance), reprobating the meas- 
ure as much as if they thought the soldiers were 
made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of 
frost and snow; and moreover, as if they conceived 
it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the 
disadvantages I have described ours to be, which 
are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior 
one, in all respects well-appointed and provided 
for a winter's campaign, within the city of Phila- 
delphia, and to cover from depredation and waste 
the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey. But what 
makes this matter still more extraordinary in my 
eye is, that these very gentlemen, — who were well 
apprized of the nakedness of the troops from ocu- 
lar demonstration, who thought their own soldiers 
worse clad than others, and who advised me near a 
month ago to postpone the execution of a plan I 
was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of 
Congress for seizing clothes, under strong assur- 
ances that an ample supply would be collected in 
ten days agreeably to a decree of the State (not 
one article of which, by the by, is yet come to hand) , 
■ — should think a winter's campaign, and the cov- 
ering of these States from the invasion of an 
enemy, so easy and practicable a business. I can 
assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and 



President of Congress loi 

less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a 
comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy 
a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, 
without clothes or blankets. However, although 
they seem to have little feeling for the naked and 
distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for 
them, and, from my soul, I pity those miseries, 
which it is neither in my power to relieve or 
prevent/ 

It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have 
dwelt upon the subject; and it adds not a little to 
my other difficulties and distress to find, that much 
more is expected of me than is possible to be per- 
formed, and that upon the ground of safety and 
policy I am obliged to conceal the true state of the 
army from public view, and thereby expose my- 
self to detraction and calumny. The honorable 
committee of Congress went from camp fully pos- 
sessed of my sentiments respecting the establish- 
ment of this arm}^ the necessity of auditors of 
accounts, the appointment of officers, and new 
arrangements. I have no need, therefore, to be 
prolix upon these subjects, but I refer to the com- 
mittee. I shall add a word or two to show, first, 
the necessity of some better provision for binding 
the officers by the tie of interest to the service, as no 
day nor scarce an hour passes without the offer of 
a resigned commission ^ ; ( otherwise I much doubt 

1 Alluding to the Memorial, or Remonstrance, of the legisla- 
ture of Pennsylvania, respecting his going into winter-quar- 
ters. — Sparks. 

2 Resignations had become so numerous that the House of 
Commons of North Carolina passed a resolution to the effect 



I02 George Washington 

the practicability of holding the army together 
much longer, and in this I shall probably be thought 
the more sincere, when I freely declare, that I do 
not myself expect to derive the smallest benefit 
from any establishment that Congress may adopt, 
otherwise than as a member of the community at 
large in the good, which I am persuaded will result 
from the measure, by making better officers and 
better troops;) and, secondly, to point out the 
necessity of making the appointments and ar- 
rangements without loss of time. We have not 
more than three months, in which to prepare a great 
deal of business. If we let these slip or waste, we 
shall be laboring under the same difficulties all 
next campaign, as we have been this, to rectify 
mistakes and bring things to order. 

Military arrangement, and movements in conse- 
quence, like the mechanism of a clock, will be im- 
perfect and disordered by the want of a part. In 
a very sensible degree have I experienced this, in 
the course of the last summer, several brigades 
having no brigadiers appointed to them till late, 
and some not at all ; by which means it follows, that 
an additional weight is thrown upon the shoulders 
of the Commander-in-chief, to withdraw his atten- 
tion from the great line of his duty. The gentle- 
m.en of the committee, when they were at camp, 
talked of an expedient for adjusting these matters, 

that any Carolina officer who should resign his commission 
without reasons which were acceptable to the Commander-in- 
chief should be ineligible to any office, civil or military, within 
the gift of the State. 



President of Congress 103 

which I highly approved and wish to see adopted; 
namely, that two or three members of the Board of 
AVar, or a committee of Congress, should repair 
immediately to camp, where the best aid can be 
had, and with the commanding officer, or a com- 
mittee of his appointment, prepare and digest the 
most perfect plan, that can be devised, for correct- 
ing all abuses and making new arrangements ; con- 
sidering what is to be done with the weak and 
debilitated regiments, if the States to which they 
belong will not draft men to fill them, for as to en- 
listing soldiers it seems to me to be totally out of 
the question ; together with many other things, that 
would occur in the course of such a conference; 
and, after digesting matters in the best manner 
they can, to submit the whole to the ultimate deter- 
mination of Congress. 

If this measure is approved, I would earnestly 
advise the immediate execution of it, and that the 
commissary-general of purchases, whom I rarely 
see, may be directed to form magazines without a 
moment's delay in the neighbourhood of this camp, 
in order to secure provision for us in case of bad 
weather. The quartermaster-general ought also 
to be busy in his department. In short, there is as 
much to be done in preparing for a campaign, as 
in the active part of it. Everything depends upon 
the preparation that is made in the several depart- 
ments, and the success or misfortunes of the next 
campaign will more than probably originate with 
our activity or supineness during this winter. I 
have the honor to be, &c. 



I04 George Washington 

TO BRYAN FAIRFAX^ 

Valley Forge, 1 March, 1778. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 8th of December came safe to 
my hands, after a considerable delay on its pas- 
sage. The sentiments you have expressed to me 
in this letter are highly flattering, meriting my 
warmest acknowledgments, as I have too good an 
opinion of your sincerity and candor to believe 
that you are capable of unmeaning professions, 
and speaking a language foreign to your heart. 

1 An early and intimate friendship subsisted between Wash- 
ington and Bryan Fairfax, which does not appear to have been 
at any period of their lives interrupted, although they differed 
widely in their political sentiments. This was illustrated in a 
striking manner by the letters that passed between them in the 
year 1774. Mr. Fairfax considered the pretensions of Parlia- 
ment unjustifiable, and believed there were many grievances, 
which ought to be redressed; but he could not reconcile to him- 
self the idea of taking up arms against the King. Differing 
thus from the majority of his countrymen and from his friends, 
he thought it his duty to go to England and remain there during 
the contest. With this aim he repaired to New York, having 
obtained a passport from the Commander-in-chief. But when 
he arrived there, he was diverted from his purpose by having 
certain oaths prescribed to him, which his conscience would not 
allow him to take, being afraid they might prevent him from 
ever again seeing his wife and children. This hesitancy ex- 
cited a prejudice against him, which he thought unreasonable, 
and he obtained permission from the British commander to re- 
turn to his family. On his journey he again visited General 
Washington, and was received by him vnth. so much kindness, 
and such marked civilities, that he wrote him a letter of ac- 
knowledgments and thanks soon after he reached Virginia, to 
which the above is a reply. In that letter he said: 

" There are times when favors conferred make a greater 
impression than at others, for, though I have received many, I 
hope I have not been unmindful of them; yet that, at a time 
your popularity was at the highest and mine at the lowest, and 



Bryan Fairfax 105 

The friendship, which I ever professed and felt for 
you, met with no diminution from the difference in 
our political sentiments. I know the rectitude of 
my own intentions, and, believing in the sincerity 
of yours, lamented, though I did not condemn, 
your renunciation of the creed I had adopted. Nor 
do I think any person or power ought to do it, 
whilst your conduct is not opposed to the general 
interest of the people, and the measures they are 
pursuing; the latter, that is, our actions, depend- 
ing upon ourselves, may be controlled, while the 
powers of thinking, originating in higher causes, 
cannot always be moulded to our wishes. 

The determinations of Providence are always 
wise, often inscrutable; and, though its decrees ap- 
pear to bear hard upon us at times, is neverthe- 
less meant for gracious purposes. In this light I 
cannot help viewing your late disappointment; for 
if you had been permitted to have gone to Eng- 
land, unrestrained even by the rigid oaths, which 
are administered on those occasions, your feelings 
as a husband, parent &c, must have been consid- 
erably wounded in the prospect of a long, perhaps 
lasting, separation from your nearest relatives. 
What then must they have been, if the obligation 
of an oath had left you without a will? Your hope 
of being instrumental in restoring peace would 



■when it is so common for men's resentments to run high against 
those, who differ from them in opinion, you should act with 
your wonted kindness towards me, has affected me more than 
any favor I have received; and could not be believed by some 
in New York, it being above the run of common minds." — 
Sparks. 



io6 George Washington 

prove as unsubstantial, as mist before the noon- 
day's sun, and would as soon dispel; for, believe 
me. Sir, Great Britain understood herself perfectly 
well in this dispute, but did not comprehend 
America. She meant, as Lord Camden, in his late 
speech in Parliament, clearly and explicitly de- 
clared, to drive America into rebellion, that her own 
purposes might be more fully answered by it; but 
take this along with it, that this plan originated in 
a firm belief, founded on misinformation, that no 
effectual opposition would or could be made. They 
little dreamt of what has happened, and are dis- 
appointed in their views.^ 

Does not every act of Administration, from the 
Tea Act to the present session of Parliament, de- 

1 The allusion here is to Lord Camden's remarks, in the debate 
respecting the reply to the King's Speech at the opening of 
Parliament, November 18, 1777. The debate turned on Ameri- 
can affairs, the causes of the dispute, and the mode in which the 
war had been conducted. Lord Camden, referring to some of 
the preliminary steps in the contest, said : " The people of 
America showed great dissatisfaction, but that did not fully 
answer the intentions of government. It was not dissatisfac- 
tion, but rebellion, that was sought; dissatisfaction might fur- 
nish a pretence for adding to the intolerable oppressions, that 
those people had for a series of years groaned under; but noth- 
ing short of something in the shape of rebellion, or nearly 
approaching to it, could create a decent apology for slaughter, 
conquest, and unconditional submission." Again, in regard to 
the address declaring Massachusetts Bay to be in rebellion. 
Lord Camden continued: "But all this did not do; the New 
Englanders were resolved not to verify the address; they were 
determined not to be rebels; but only to prepare, should the 
worst happen, to be in a situation to defend themselves. Some- 
thing more was still wanting, and that was obtained. Our 
troops were ordered to act effectively; and self-defence was 
styled actual and declared rebellion." — Almon's Parliamentary 
Register, vol. x., pp. 30, 31. — Sparks. 



Bryan Fairfax 107 

clare this in plain and self-evident characters? 
Plad the commissioners any power to treat with 
America? If they meant peace, would Lord Howe 
have been detained in England five months after 
passing the act? Would the powers of these com- 
missioners have been confined to mere acts of grace, 
upon condition of absolute submission? No! 
surely, no ! They meant to drive us into what they 
termed rebellion, that they might be furnished with 
a pretext to disarm, and then strip us of the rights 
and privileges of Englishmen and citizens. 

If they were actuated by the principles of jus- 
tice, why did they refuse indignantly to accede to 
the terms, which were humbly supplicated before 
hostilities commenced, and this country deluged in 
blood; and now make their principal officers, and 
even the commissioners themselves, say that these 
terms are just and reasonable; nay, that more will 
be granted, than we have yet asked, if we will re- 
linquish our claim to independency? What name 
does such conduct as this deserve? And what pun- 
ishment is there in store for the men, who have dis- 
tressed millions, involved thousands in ruin, and 
plunged numberless families in inextricable woe? 
Could that, which is just and reasonable now, have 
been unjust four years ago? If not, upon what 
principles, I say, does Administration act? They 
must either be wantonly wicked and cruel, or 
(which is only another mode of describing the same 
thing) under false colors are now endeavoring to 
deceive the great body of the people, by indus- 
triously propagating a belief, that Great Britain 



io8 George Washington 

is willing to offer any, and that we will accept of 
no terms; thereby hoping to poison and disaffect 
the minds of those, who wish for peace, and create 
feuds and dissensions among ourselves. In a 
word, having less dependence now in their arms 
than in their arts, they are practising such low and 
dirty tricks, that men of sentiment and honor must 
blush at their villainy. Among other manoeuvres 
in this way, they are counterfeiting letters, and 
publishing them as intercepted ones of mine, to 
prove that I am an enemy to the present measures, 
and have been led into them step by step, still hop- 
ing that Congress would recede from their present 
claims. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and 
affectionate, &c. 



TO JOHN BANISTER, DELEGATE IN CONGRESS 

Valley Forge, 21 April, 1778. 

Dear Sir, 

On Saturday evening I had the pleasure to re- 
ceive your favor of the 16th instant. 

I thank you very much for your obliging tender 
of a friendly intercourse between us; and you may 
rest assured that I embrace it with cheerfulness, 
and shall write you freely, as often as leisure will 
permit, of such points as appear to me material 
and interesting. I am pleased to find, that you 
expect the proposed establishment of the army will 
succeed; though is it a painful consideration, that 
matters of such pressing importance and obvious 
necessity meet with so much difficulty and delay. 



John Banister 109 

Be assured, the success of the measure is a matter 
of the most serious moment, and that it ought to 
be brought to a conclusion as speedily as possible. 
The spirit of resigning commissions has been long 
at an alarming height, and increases daily. Ap- 
plications from officers on furlough are hourly ar- 
riving and Genls. Heath at Boston — McDougall 
on the north River and Mason of Virginia are ask- 
ing what they are to do with the applicants to 
them. 

The Virginia line has sustained a violent shock 
in this instance. Not less than ninety have al- 
ready resigned to me. The same conduct has pre- 
vailed among the officers from the other States, 
though not yet to so considerable a degree; and 
there are but too just grounds to fear, that it will 
shake the very existence of the army, unless a 
remedy is soon, very soon, applied. There Is none, 
in my opinion, so effectual as the one pointed out.^ 
This, I trust, will satisfy the officers, and at the 
same time it will produce no present additional 
emission of money. They will not be persuaded 
to sacrifice all views of present interest, and en- 
counter the numerous vicissitudes of war, in the 
defence of their country, unless she will be gener- 
ous enough on her part to make a decent provision 
for their future support. I do not pronounce ab- 
solutely, that we shall have no army if the estab- 
lishment fails, but the army we may have will be 
without discipline, without energy, incapable of 

1 The remedy advocated by Washington was the establish- 
ment of half -pay for the officers after the conclusion of the war. 



no George Washington 

acting with vigor, and destitute of those elements 
necessaiy to promise success on the one hand, or 
to withstand the shocks of adversity on the other. 
It is indeed hard to say how extensive the evil may 
be, if the measure should be rejected, or much 
longer delayed. I find it a very arduous task to 
keep the officers in tolerable humor, and to pro- 
tract such a combination in quitting the service, as 
might possibly undo us for ever. 

The difference between our service and that of 
the enemy is very striking. With us, from the 
peculiar, unhappy situation of things, the officer, 
a few instances excepted, must break in upon his 
private fortune for present support, without a 
prospect of future relief. With them, even com- 
panies are esteemed so honorable and so valuable, 
that they have sold of late from fifteen to twenty- 
two hundred pounds sterling; and I am credibly 
informed, that four thousand guineas have been 
given for a troop of dragoons. You will readily 
determine how this difference will operate; what 
effects it must produce. Men may speculate as 
they will; they may talk of patriotism; they 
may draw a few examples from ancient story, of 
great achievements performed by its influence; but 
whoever builds upon them, as a sufficient basis for 
conducting a long and bloody war, will find them- 
selves deceived in the end. We must take the pas- 
sions of men as nature has given them, and those 
principles as a guide, which are generally the rule 
of action. I do not mean to exclude altogether the 
idea of patriotism. I know it exists, and I know 



John Banister 



III 



it has done much in the present contest. But I 
will venture to assert, that a great and lasting war 
can never be supported on this principle alone. 
It must be aided by a prospect of interest, or some 
reward. For a time it may, of itself, push men to 
action, to bear much, to encounter difficulties; but 
it will not endure unassisted by interest. 

The necessity of putting the army upon a re- 
spectable footing, both as to numbers and con- 
stitution, is now become more essential than ever. 
The enemy are beginning to play a game more 
dangerous, than their efforts by arms (though 
these will not be remitted in the smallest degree), 
and which threatens a fatal blow to the independ- 
ence of America, and to her liberties of course. 
They are endeavoring to ensnare the people by 
specious allurements of peace. It is not improb- 
able they have had such abundant cause to be tired 
of the war, that they may be sincere in the terms 
they offer, which, though far short of our preten- 
sions, will be extremely flattering to minds, that do 
not penetrate far into political consequences; but, 
whether they are sincere or not, they may be 
equally destructive; for, to discerning men nothing 
can be more evident, than that a peace on the prin- 
ciples of dependence, however limited, after what 
has happened, would be to the last degree dis- 
honorable and ruinous.^ It is however much to be 

1 There was at this time in Parliament a small party in favor 
of granting independence to America, and of instructing the 
commissioners to make a treaty on that footing. Governor 
Pownall held out this idea, and enforced it with strong argu- 
ments, in the debate on the address to the King, in reply to his 



112 George Washington 

apprehended, that the idea of such an event will 
have a very powerful effect upon the country, and 
if not combated with the greatest address will serve, 
at least, to produce supineness and disunion. Men 
are naturally fond of peace, and there are symp- 
toms which may authorize an opinion, that the peo- 
ple of America are pretty generally weary of the 
present war. It is doubtful, whether many of our 
friends might not incline to an accommodation on 
the grounds held out, or which may be, rather than 
persevere in a contest for independence. If this 
is the case, it must surely be the truest policy to 
strengthen the army, and place it upon a sub- 
stantial footing. This will conduce to inspire the 
country with confidence; enable those at the head 
of affairs to consult the public honor and interest, 
notwithstanding the defection of some and tem- 
porary inconsistency and irresolution of others, 
who may desire to compromise the dispute; and, if 
a treaty should be deemed expedient, will put it in 



message accompanying the declaration of the French ambassa- 
dor, which gave notice of the treaty between France and the 
United States. " This treaty," said Governor Pownall, " does 
not alter my idea of the probability of our having even yet 
peace with America, if we will but take the way that leads to 
it, and the only one that is open. Nothing but the perverseness 
of our own conduct can cross it. We know that the Americans 
are and must be independent; and yet we will not treat with 
them as such. If government itself retains the least idea of 
sovereignty, it has already gone too far for that; if it enter- 
tains the least hope of peace, it has not gone far enough; and 
every step we shall take to put the Americans back from in- 
dependency, will convince them the more of the necessity of 
going forward." — Parliamentary Debates, March 17th, 1778. — 
Sparks. 



John Banister 113 

their power to insist upon better terms, than they 
could otherwise expect. 

Besides the most vigorous exertions at home to 
increase and establish our military force upon a 
good basis, it appears to me advisable, that we 
should inmiediately try the full extent of our inter- 
est abroad, and bring our European negotiations 
to an issue. I think France must have ratified 
our independence,^ and will declare war imme- 
diately, on finding that serious proposals of 
accommodation are made; but lest, from a mis- 
taken policy or too exalted an opinion of our power 
from the representations she has had, she should 
still remain indecisive, it were to be wished, proper 
persons were instantly despatched, or our envoys 
already there instructed to insist pointedly on her 
coming to a final determination.^ It cannot be 
fairly supposed, that she will hesitate a moment to 

1 This was true, although the fact was not yet known in 
America. The treaties of commerce and alliance between France 
and the United States were signed on the 6th of February. The 
first meeting between the French minister and the American 
commissioners, for the purpose of negotiating a treaty, was 
held at Versailles on the 12th of December. It was stated, in 
an article of the treaty of alliance, to be its direct end, " to 
maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, 
absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters 
of government as commerce." — See Diplomatic Correspondence, 
vol. i., pp. 355, 364. — Sparks. 

~ It seems there were some fears at this moment as to the 
effect which might be produced on the American people by the 
advances of the British ministry in Lord North's propositions. 
In a reply to General Washington's circular letter, asking the 
advice of the general officers respecting a plan of the cam- 
paign, the Marquis de Lafayette stated, as reasons for vigorous 
measures, the expected reinforcements of the enemy, and the 
approaching arrival of three commissioners, " whom I fear," 
8 



114 George Washington 

declare war, if she is given to understand, in a 
proper manner, that a reunion of the two countries 
may be the consequence of procrastination. A 
European war and a European aUiance would ef- 
fectually answer our purposes. If the step I now 
mention should be eligible, despatches ought to be 
sent at once by different conveyances, for fear of 
accidents. I confess, it appears to me a measure 
of this kind could not but be productive of the most 
salutary consequences. If possible, I should also 
suppose it absolutely necessary to obtain good in- 
telligence from England, pointing out the true 
springs of this manoeuvre of ministry ; the prepara- 
tions of force they are making; the prospects there 

said he, " more than ten thousand men." — MS. Letter, April 
25th. 

General Washington himself, in a letter to his brother, writ- 
ten a few days after the above, speaks as follows, alluding to 
the British commissioners. " It will require," he observes, " all 
the skill, wisdom, and policy of the first abilities of these States 
to manage the helm, and steer with judgment to the haven of 
our wishes, through so many shelves and rocks as will be 
thrown in our way. This, more than ever, is the time for Con- 
gress to be filled with the first characters from every State, in- 
stead of having a thin assembly, and many States totally 
unrepresented, as is the case at present. I have often regretted 
the pernicious, and what appears to me fatal policy of having 
our ablest men engaged in the formation of the more local gov- 
ernments, and filling offices in their respective States, leaving 
the great national concern (on which the superstructure of all 
and every of them absolutely depends, and without which none 
can exist,) to be managed by men of more contracted abilities. 
Indeed, those at a distance from the seat of war live in such 
perfect tranquillity, that they conceive the dispute to be in a 
manner at an end; and those near it are so disaffected, that they 
only serve as embarrassments. Between the two, therefore, 
time slips away without the necessary means for opening the 
campaign in season or with propriety." — Sparks. 



John Banister 115 

are of raising it; the amount, and when it may 
be expected. 

It really seems to me, from a comprehensive 
view of things, that a period is fast approaching, 
big with events of the most interesting import- 
ance ; when the counsels we pursue, and the part we 
act, may lead decisively to liberty or to slavery. 
Under this idea, I cannot but regret that inactivity, 
that inattention, that want of something, which un- 
happily I have but too often experienced in our 
public affairs. I wish that our representation in 
Congress was complete and full from every State, 
and that it was formed of the first abilities among 
us. Whether we continue to war or proceed to 
negotiate, the wisdom of America in council cannot 
be too great. Our situation will be truly delicate. 
To enter into a negotiation too hastily, or to reject 
it altogether, may be attended with consequences 
equally fatal. The wishes of the people, seldom 
founded in deep disquisitions, or resulting from 
other reasonings than their present feelings, may 
not entirely accord with our true policy and inter- 
est. If they do not, to observe a proper line of 
conduct for promoting the one, and avoiding of- 
fence to the other, will be a work of great difficulty. 

Nothing short of independence, it appears to 
me, can possibly do. A peace on other terms 
would, if I may be allowed the expression, be a 
peace of war. The injuries we have received from 
the British nation were so unprovoked, and have 
been so great and so many, that they can never be 
forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the 



ii6 George Washington 

animosities, that would ever attend a union with 
them; besides the importance, the advantages, we 
should derive from an unrestricted commerce; our 
fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as 
men, are opposed to a coalition with them as sub- 
jects, but in case of the last extremity. Were we 
easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, 
upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Brit- 
ain be never so flagrant and unjust, would inter- 
pose for our rehef ; or, at most, they would do it 
with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions 
most probably that would be hard, if not dishonor- 
able to us. France, by her supplies, has saved us 
from the yoke thus far; and a wise and virtuous 
perseverance would, and I trust will, free us 
entirely. 

I have sent Congress Lord North's speech, and 
the two bills offered by him to Parliament. They 
are spreading fast through the country, and will 
soon become a subject of general notoriety. I 
therefore think they had best be published in our 
papers, and persons of leisure and ability set to 
work to counteract the impressions they may make 
on the minds of the people. 

Before I conclude, there are one or two points 
more, upon which I will add an observation or two. 
The first is, the indecision of Congress and the de- 
lay used in coming to determinations on matters 
referred to them. This is productive of a variety 
of inconveniences; and an early decision, in many 
cases, though it should be against the measure 
submitted, would be attended with less pernicious 



John Banister 117 

effects. Some new plan might then be tried; but, 
while the matter is held in suspense, nothing can be 
attempted. The other point is, the jealousy, 
which Congress unhappily entertain of the army, 
and which, if reports are right, some members labor 
to establish. You may be assured, there is nothing 
more injurious, or more unjustly founded. This 
jealousy stands upon the commonly received opin- 
ion, which under proper limitations is certainly 
true, that standing armies are dangerous to a State, 
and from forming the same conclusion of the com- 
ponent parts of all, though they are totally dis- 
similar in their nature. The prejudices in other 
countries have only gone to them in time of peace, 
and these from their not having in general cases 
any of the ties, the concerns, or interests of citi- 
zens, or any other dependence, than what flowed 
from their military employ ; in short, from their be- 
ing mercenaries, hirelings. It is our policy to be 
prejudiced against them in time of war; & though 
they are citizens, having all the ties and interests of 
citizens, and in most cases property totally uncon- 
nected with the military line. 

If we would pursue a right system of policy, in 
my opinion, there should be none of these distinc- 
tions. We should all be considered, Congress and 
army, as one people, embarked in one cause, in one 
interest; acting on the same principle, and to the 
same end. The distinction, the jealousies set up, 
or perhaps only incautiously let out, can answer 
not a single good purpose. They are impolitic in 
the extreme. Among individuals the most certain 



ii8 George Washington 

way to make a man your enemy is to tell him you 
esteem him such. So with public bodies; and the 
very jealousy, which the narrow politics of some 
may affect to entertain of the army, in order to a 
due subordination to the supreme civil authority, 
is a likely mean to produce a contrary effect; to 
inchne it to the pursuit of those measures, which 
they may wish it to avoid. It is unjust, because 
no order of men in the Thirteen States has paid a 
more sanctimonious regard to their proceedings 
than the army; and indeed it may be questioned 
whether there has been that scrupulous adherence 
had to them by any other, for without arrogance or 
the smallest deviation from truth it may be said, 
that no history now extant can furnish an instance 
of an army's suffering such uncommon hardships 
as ours has done, and bearing them with the same 
patience and fortitude. To see men, without 
clothes to cover their nakedness, without blankets 
to lie on, without shoes, by which their marches 
might be traced by the blood from their feet, and 
almost as often without provisions as with them, 
marching through the frost and snow, and at 
Christmas taking up their winter-quarters within 
a day's march of the enemy, without a house or hut 
to cover them, till they could be built, and sub- 
mitting to it without a murmur, is a proof of pa- 
tience and obedience, which in my opinion can 
scarce be paralleled. 

There may have been some remonstrances or ap- 
plications to Congress, in the style of complaint, 
from the army, and slaves indeed should we be, if 



John Banister 119 

this privilege were denied, on account of their pro- 
ceedings in particular instances; but these will not 
authorize nor even excuse a jealousy, that they 
are therefore aiming at unreasonable powers, or 
making strides dangerous or subversive of civil 
authority. Things should not be viewed in that 
light, more especially as Congress in some cases 
have relieved the injuries complained of, & which 
had flowed from their own acts. I refer you to 
my letter to yourself and Colo. Lee which accom- 
panies this upon the subject of money for such of 
the old Virginia troops as have or may reinlist. 

In respect to the volunteer plan, I scarce know 
M^hat opinion to give at this time. The propriety 
of a requisition on this head will depend altogether 
on our operations. Such kind of troops should not 
be called for, but upon the spur of the occasion, 
and at the moment of executing an enterprise. 
They will not endure a long service ; and, of all men 
iu the military line, they are the most impatient of 
restraint and necessary government. 

As the propositions and the speech of Lord 
North must be founded in the despair of the nation 
of succeeding against us; or from a rupture in 
Europe, that has actually happened, or certainly 
will happen ^ ; or from some deep political man- 

^ This conjecture was well founded. There is no room to 
doubt that, when the Conciliatory Bills were brought before 
Parliament by Lord North, the ministiy were convinced a 
negotiation was pending between the French court and the 
American commissioners. During the debate (February 17th), 
and in reply to Lord North's speech, Mr. Fox aflfirmed, upon 
information on which reliance might be placed, that a treaty 



I20 George Washington 

oeuvre; or from what I think still more likely, a 
composition of the whole, would it not be good 
policy, in this day of uncertainty and distress to 
the Tories, to avail ourselves of the occasion, and 
for the several States to hold out pardon &c. to 
all delinquents returning by a certain day ? ^ They 
are frightened, and this is the time to operate upon 
them. Upon a short consideration of the matter, 
it appears to me, that such a measure would de- 
tach the Tories from the enemy, and bring things 
to a much speedier conclusion, and of course be a 
mean of saving much public treasure. 

I will now be done and I trust that you excuse, 
not only the length of my letter, but the freedom 
with which I have delivered my sentiments in the 
course of it upon several occasions. The subjects 
struck me as important and interesting, and I have 
only to wish, that they may appear to you in the 
same light. 

I am, dear Sir, with great regard, &c. ^ 

had already been signed; and when the question was pressed 
by Mr. Grenville upon Lord North, he answered, " that he could 
not say from authority that the treaty alluded to was signed; 
that, indeed, it was possible, nay too probable, but not au- 
thenticated by the ambassador." — Almon's Parliamentary 
Register, vol. viii., 385, 389. The question how the British were 
informed of the signing of the treaty before the formal notice of 
the French minister, led to a serious dispute among the Ameri- 
can commissioners at Paris. — Sparks. 

1 This measure was adopted by Congress two days after the 
above letter was written. — Journals, April 23d. — Sparks. 

- " With respect to your future treatment of the Tories, the 
most effectual way of putting a stop to their traitorous prac- 
tices will be shooting some of the most notorious offenders 
wherever they can be found in flagrante delicto. This sum- 
mary punishment inflicted on a few traitors will probably 



Gouverneur Morris 121 

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 

FiSHKiLL, Oct. 4th, 1778. 

Dear Sir, 

My public Letters to the President of Congress 
will inform you of the wind that wafted me to this 
place. Nothing more therefore need be said on 
that head. Your Letter of the 8th ulto. contains 
three questions and answers, to wit ; Can the Enemy 
prosecute the war? Do they mean to stay on the 
Continent? And, is it our interest to put impedi- 
ments in the way of their departure? To the first 
you answer in the negative. To the second you 
are decided in opinion, that they do not. And to 
the third say clearly, No. 

Much, my good Sir, may be said in favor of these 
answers, and some things against the two first of 
them. By way therefore of dissertation on the first, 
I will also beg leave to put a question, and give it 
an answer. Can we carry on the war much longer? ^ 
Certainly no, unless some measures can be de- 
vised & speedily executed to restore the credit of \ 
our currency, restrain extortion, & punish f orestal-- " 
lers. Without these can be effected, what funds 
can stand the present expenses of the army? And 
what officer can bear the weight of prices, that 
every necessary article is now got to? A Rat in 
the shape of a horse, is not to be bought at this time 
for less than £200; A Saddle under Thirty or 

strike terror into others and deter them from exposing them- 
selves to a similar fate." — Washington to Joseph Kirkhride, 
Lieutenant of the County of Bucks, 20 April, 1778. 



122 George Washington 

Forty; — Boots twenty, — and shoes and other arti- 
cles in the hke proportion. — How is it possible, 
therefore, for officers to stand this without an in- 
crease of pay? And how is it possible to advance 
their Pay, when Flour is selling (at different 
places) from five to fifteen pounds pr cwt., — Hay 
from ten to thirty pounds pr Tunn, and Beef & 
other essentials in this proportion? 

The true point of light, then, to place & con- 
sider this matter in is, not simply whether Gt. 
Britain can carry on the war, but whose Finances, 
(theirs or ours,) is most likely to fail; which leads 
me to doubt very much the infallibility of the an- 
swer given to your second question, respecting the 
Enemy's leaving the Continent; for I believe they 
will not do it, while ever hope and the chapter of 
accidents can give them a chance of bringing us to 
terms short of Independence. — But this, you will 
perhaps say, they are now bereft of, I shall ac- 
knowledge that many things favor the idea; but 
add, that, upon a comparative view of circum- 
stances, there is abundant matter to puzzle & con- 
found the judgment. To your third answer I 
subscribe with hand and heart. The opening is now 
fair, and God grant that they may embrace the 
opportunity of bidding an eternal adieu to our 
(once quit of them) happj^ Land. If the Span- 
iards would but join their Fleets to those of France, 
& conmience hostilities, my doubts would all sub- 
side. Without it, I fear the British Navy has it 
too much in its power to counteract the Schemes of 
France. 



Henry Laurens 123 

The high prices of every necessary; The little, 
indeed no benefit, which officers have derived from 
the intended bounty of Congress in the article of 
cloathing; The change in the establishment, by 
which so many of them are discontinued; The un- 
fortunate delay of this business, which kept them 
too long in suspense, and set a number of evil 
spirits to work; The unsettled Rank, and contra- 
dictory modes of adjusting it, — with other causes, 
which might be enumerated have conspired to sour 
the temper of the army exceedingly; and has, I am 
told, been productive of a memorial or representa- 
tion of some kind to Congress; which neither di- 
rectly nor indirectly did I know or even hear was 
in agitation, till some days after it was despatched; 
owing, as I apprehend, to the secrecy with which it 
was conducted to keep it from my knowledge, as 
I had in a similar instance last spring discounte- 
nanced and stifled a child of the same illegitimacy in 
its birth. If you have any news worth communi- 
cating, do not put it under a bushel, but give it to, 
dear Sir, yours sincerely, &;c. 



TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Fredg., 14th Novr., 1778. 

Dr. Sir, 

This will be accompanied by an official letter ^ on 

^ This letter to the President of Congress, dated 11 Novem- 
ber, 1778, is one of the best of Washington's military papers. 
It is printed in Ford, The Writings of George Washington, vii., 
239. 



124 George Washington 

the subject of the proposed expedition against 
Canada. You will perceive I have only consid- 
ered it in a military light ; indeed I was not author- 
ized to consider it in any other; and I am not 
without apprehensions, that I may be thought, in 
what I have done, to have exceeded the limits in- 
tended by Congress. But my solicitude for the 
public welfare, which I think deeply interested in 
this affair, will, I hope, justify me in the eyes of 
all those, who view things through that just me- 
dium. I do not know, Sir, what may be your sen- 
timents in the present case; but, whatever they 
are, I am sure I can confide in your honor and 
friendship, and shall not hesitate to unbosom my- 
self to you on a point of the most delicate and 
important nature. 

The question of the Canadian expedition, in the 
form it now stands, appears to me one of the most 
interesting that has hitherto agitated our national 
deliberations. I have one objection to it, untouched 
in my public letter, which is, in my estimation, in- 
surmountable, and alarms all my feelings for the 
true and permanent interests of my country. This 
is the introduction of a large body of French troops 
into Canada, and putting them in possession of the 
capital of that Province, attached to them by all 
the ties of blood, habits, manners, religion, and 
former connexion of government. I fear this 
would be too great a temptation to be resisted by 
any power actuated by the common maxims of 
national policy. Let us realize for a moment the 
striking advantages France would derive from the 



Henry Laurens 125 

possession of Canada; the acquisition of an exten- 
sive territory, abounding in supplies for the use of 
her Islands; the opening a vast source of the most 
beneficial commerce with the Indian nations, which 
she might then monopolize ; the having ports of her 
own on this continent independent of the pre- 
carious good will of an ally; the engrossing of 
the whole trade of Newfoundland whenever she 
pleased, the finest nursery of seamen in the world; 
the security afi^orded to her Islands; and, fi- 
nally, the facility of awing and controlling these 
States, the natural and most formidable rival of 
every maritime power in Europe. Canada would 
be a solid acquisition to France on all these ac- 
counts, and because of the numerous inhabitants, 
subjects to her by inclination, who would aid in 
preserving it under her power against the attempt 
of every other. 

France, acknowledged for some time past the 
most powerful monarchy in Europe by land, able 
now to dispute the empire of the sea with Britain, 
and if joined with Spain, I may say, certainly su- 
perior, possessed of New Orleans on our right, 
Canada on our left, and seconded by the numerous 
tribes of Indians in our rear from one extremity to 
the other, a people so generally friendly to her, 
and whom she knows so well to conciliate, would, 
it is much to be apprehended, have it in her power 
to give law to these States. 

Let us suppose, that, when the five thousand 
french troops (and under the idea of that number 
twice as many might be introduced) were entered 



126 George Washington 

the city of Quebec, they should declare an intention 
to hold Canada, as a pledge and surety for the 
debts due to France from the United States, or, 
under other specious pretences, hold the place till 
they can find a bone of contention, and, in the mean 
while, should excite the Canadians to engage in 
supporting their pretences & claims; what should 
we be able to say, with only four or five thousand 
men to carry on the dispute ? It may be supposed, 
that France would not choose to renounce our 
friendship by a step of this kind, as the conse- 
quence would be a reunion with England on some 
terms or other, and the loss of what she had ac- 
quired in so violent and unjustifiable a manner, 
with all the advantages of an alliance with us. 
This, in my opinion, is too slender a security against 
the measure, to be relied on. The truth of the 
position will entirely depend on naval events. If 
France and Spain should unite, and obtain a de- 
cided superiority by Sea, a reunion with England 
would avail very little, and might be set at defi- 
ance. France, with a numerous army at com- 
mand, might throw in what number of land forces 
she thought proper, to support her pretensions; 
and England, without men, without money, and 
inferior on her favorite element, could give no effec- 
tual aid to oppose them. Resentment, reproaches, 
and submission seem to be all that would be left to 
us. Men are very apt to run into extremes. 
Hatred to England may carry some into an ex- 
cess of Confidence in France, especially when mo- 
tives of gratitude are thrown into the scale. Men 



Henry Laurens 127 

of this description would be unwilling to suppose 
France capable of acting so ungenerous a part. 
I am heartily disposed to entertain the most favor- 
able sentiments of our new ally, and to cherish 
them in others to a reasonable degree. But it is 
maxim, founded on the universal experience of 
mankind, that no nation is to be trusted farther 
than it is bound by its interest; and no prudent 
statesman or politician will venture to depart from 
it. In our circumstances we ought to be particu- 
larly cautious; for we have not yet attained suffi- 
cient vigor and maturity to recover from the shock 
of any false step, into which we may unwarily fall. 

If France should even engage in the scheme, in 
the first instance, with the purest intentions, there 
is the greatest danger that, in the progress of the 
business, invited to it by circumstances, and per- 
haps urged on by the solicitations and wishes of the 
Canadians, she would alter her views. 

As the jMarquis clothed his proposition, when he 
spoke it to me, it would seem to originate wholly 
with himself; but, it is far from impossible, that it 
had its birth in the Cabinet of France, and was 
put into this artful dress to give it the readier cur- 
rency. I fancy that I read in the countenances of 
some people, on this occasion, more than the disin- 
terested zeal of allies. I hope I am mistaken, and 
that my fears of mischief make me refine too much, 
and awaken jealousies that have no sufficient foun- 
dation. But upon the whole, Sir, to wave every 
other consideration, I do not like to add to the num- 
ber of our national obligations. I would wish, as 



128 George Washington 

much as possible, to avoid giving a foreign power 
new claims of merit for services performed to the 
United States, and would ask no assistance that is 
not indispensable. I am, with the truest attach- 
ment and most perfect confidence, dear Sir, &c/ 

1 Washington was not alone in his suspicions concerning La- 
fayette's project for the conquest of Canada. He had consulted 
John Jay, who concurred in his views, while President Laurens 
wrote him, " I demurred exceedingly to the Marquis's scheme, 
and expressed some doubts of the concurrence of Congress. This 
was going as far as I dared consistently with my office, or con- 
sidering him as a gentleman of equal honor and tenacity.* * * 
The business was referred to a committee, who conferred with 
the Marquis. Their report was framed agreeably to his wishes, 
but the House very prudently determined to consult the Com- 
mander-in-chief previously to a final determination; and, al- 
though your Excellency's observations are committed, I am much 
mistaken if every member of Congress is not decided in his 
opinion in favor of them." — Laurens to WashiJigton, 20 Novem- 
ber, 1778. Lafayette's project was defeated, however, in an 
unexpected manner. As to this, one of Washington's biogra- 
phers writes, " His [Washington's] words had no effect on 
Congress, but as it turned out, the plan failed through adverse 
influences in the quarter where Washington least expected them. 
He believed that this Canadian plan had been put into Lafay- 
ette's mind by the cabinet of Louis XVL, and he could not 
imagine that a policy of such obvious wisdom could be over- 
looked by French statesmen. In this he was completely mis- 
taken, for France failed to see what seemed so simple to the 
American general, that the opportunity had come to revive her 
old American policy, and re-establish her colonies under the 
most favorable conditions. The ministers of Louis XVL, more- 
over, did not wish the colonies to conquer Canada, and the plan 
of Lafayette and the Congress received no aid in Paris and 
came to nothing. But the fruitless incident exhibits in the 
strongest light the attitude of Washington as a purely American 
statesman, and the comprehensiveness of his mind in dealing 
with large affairs." — Lodge, George Washington, i., 248. 



Benjamin Harrison 129 

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE 
OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA 

Head-Qrs., Middle Brook, 18 December, 1778. 

My Dear Sir, 

* * * I can assign but two causes for the 
enemy's continuance among us; and these balance 
SO equally in my mind, that I scarcely know which 
of the two preponderates. The one is, that they 
are waiting the ultimate determination of Parlia- 
ment; the other, that of our distresses, by which I 
know the Commissioners went home not a little 
buoyed up, and, sorry I am to add, not without 
cause. What may be the effect of such large and 
frequent emissions, of the dissensions, — parties, — 
extravagance, and a general lax of public virtue. 
Heaven alone can tell! I am afraid even to think 
of It. But it appears as clear to me as ever the 
Sun did in its meridian brightness, that America 
never stood in more eminent need of the wise, pa- 
triotic, and spirited exertions of her Sons than at 
this period; and if it is not a sufficient cause for 
genl. lamentation, my misconception of the matter 
impresses it too strongly upon me, that the States, 
separately, are too much engaged in their local con- 
cerns, and have too many of their ablest men with- 
drawn from the general council, for the good of 
the common weal. In a word, I think our political 
system may be compared to the mechanism of a 
clock, and that our conduct should derive a lesson 
from it; for it answers no good purpose to keep 
the smaller wheels in order, if the greater one. 



130 George Washington 

which is the support and prime mover of the whole, 
is neglected. 

How far the latter is the case, it does not be- 
come me to pronounce; but, as there can be no 
harm in a pious wish for the good of one's Coun- 
try, I shall offer it as mine, that each State wd. 
not only choose, but absolutely compel their ablest 
men to attend Congress; and that they would in- 
struct them to go into a thorough investigation of 
the causes, that have produced so many disagree- 
able effects in the army and Country; in a word, 
that public abuses should be corrected & an entire 
reformation worked. Without these, it does not in 
my Judgment require the spirit of divination to 
foretell the consequences of the present adminis- 
tration; nor to how little purpose the States in- 
dividually are framing constitutions, providing 
laws, and filling offices with the abilities of their 
ablest men. These, if the great whole is misman- 
aged, must sink in the general wreck, and will 
carry with it the remorse of thinking, that we are 
lost by our own folly and negligence, or the desire 
perhaps of living in ease and tranquillity during the 
expected accomplishment of so great a revolution, 
in the effecting of which the greatest abilities, and 
the honestest men our (i.e. the American) world 
affords, ought to be employed.^ 

1 " It gives me very singular pleasure to find, that you have 
again taken a seat in Congress. I think there never was a 
time, when cool and dispassionate reasoning, strict attention 
and application, great integrity, and, (if it was in the nature 
of things, unerring) wisdom, were more to be wished for, than 
the present. Our affairs, according to my judgment, are now 



Benjamin Harrison 131 

It is much to be feared, my dear Sir, that the 
States, in their separate capacities, have very in- 
adequate ideas of the present danger. Removed 
(some of them) far distant from the scene of ac- 
tion, and seeing and hearing such pubUcations 
only, as flatter their wishes, they conceive that the 
contest is at an end, and that to regulate the govern- 
ment and police of their own State is all that 
remains to be done ; but it is devoutly to be wished, 
that a sad reverse of this may not fall upon them 
like a thunder-clap, that is little expected. I do 
not mean to designate particular States. I wish 
to cast no reflections upon any one. The Public 
believe (and, if they do believe it, the fact might 
almost as well be so), that the States at this time 
are badly represented, and that the great and im- 
portant concerns of the nation are horribly con- 
ducted, for want either of abilities or application 
in the members, or through the discord & party 
views of some individuals. That they should be so, 
is to be lamented more at this time than formerly, 
as we are far advanced in the dispute, and, in the 
opinn. of many, drawg. to a happy period; have 
the eyes of Europe upon us, and I am persuaded 
many political spies to watch, discover our situa- 

come to a crisis, and requires no small degree of political skill 
to steer clear of those shelves and Rocks, which, tho deeply 
buried, may wreck our hopes and throw us upon some inhospit- 
able shore. Unanimity in our Councils, disinterestedness in our 
pursuits, and steady perseverance in our national duty, are the 
only means to avoid misfortunes. If they come upon us after 
these, we shall have the consolation of knowing that we have 
done our best. The rest is with the Gods." — Washington to 
Thomas Nelson, 15 March, 1779. 



132 George Washington 

tion and give information of our weaknesses and 
wants. The story you have related, of a proposal 
to redeem ye paper money at its present depre- 
ciated value, has also come to my ears ; but I cannot 
vouch for the authenticity of it. 

I am very happy to hear, that the Assembly of 
Virginia have put the completion of their regi- 
ments upon a footing so apparently certain; but, 
as one great defect of your past Laws for this 
purpose has lain in the mode of getting men to 
the army, I hope that effectual measures are 
pointed out in the present to remedy the evil, and 
bring forward all that shall be raised. The em- 
bargo upon provisions is a most salutary measure, 
as I am afraid a sufficiency of flour will not be ob- 
tained, even with money of higher estimation than 
ours. Adieu, my dear Sir. I am, &c. 

P. S. Phila: 30th. This letter was to have 
gone by Post from Middlebrook but missed that 
conveyance, since which I have come to this place 
at the request of Congress whence I shall soon 
return. 

I have seen nothing since I came here (on the 
22d Inst.) to change my opinion of Men or 
Measrs., but abundant reason to be convinced that 
our affairs are in a more distressed, ruinous, and 
deplorable condition than they have been in since 
the commencement of the War. — By a faithful 
laborer then in the cause — By a IMan who is daily 
injuring his private Estate without even the small- 
est earthly advantage not common to all in case of 



Benjamin Harrison 133 

a favorable Issue to the dispute — By one who 
wishes the prosperity of America most devoutly 
and sees or thinks he sees it, on the brink of ruin, 
you are beseeched most earnestly, my dear Colo. 
Harrison, to exert yourself in endeavoring to res- 
cue your Country by (let me add) sending your 
ablest and best Men to Congress — these characters 
must not slumber nor sleep at home in such times 
of pressing danger — they must not content them- 
selves in the enjoyment of places of honor or profit 
in their own Country while the common interests 
of America are mouldering and sinking into irre- 
trievable (if a remedy is not soon applied) ruin 
in which theirs also must ultimately be involved. 
If I was to be called upon to draw a picture of the 
times and of Men, from what I have seen, and 
heard, and in part know, I should in one word say 
that idleness, dissipation & extravagance seems to 
have laid fast hold of most of them. — That specu- 
lation — peculation — and an insatiable thirst for 
riches seems to have got the better of every other 
consideration and almost of every order of Men. 
— That party disputes and personal quarrels are 
the great business of the day whilst the momen- 
tous concerns of an empire — a great and accu- 
mulated debt — ruined finances — depreciated money 
— and want of credit (which in their consequences 
is the want of everything) are but secondary con- 
siderations and postponed from day to day — from 
week to week as if our affairs wear the most prom- 
ising aspect — after drawing this picture, which 
from my Soul I believe to be a true one, I need 



134 George Washington 

not repeat to you that I am alarmed and wish to 
see my Countrymen roused. — I have no resent- 
ments, nor do I mean to point at any particular 
characters, — this I can declare upon my honor for 
I have every attention paid me by Congress that I 
can possibly expect and have reason to think that 
I stand well in their estimation, but in the present 
situation of things I cannot help asking — Where 
is Mason — Wythe — Jefferson — Nicholas — Pen- 
dleton — Nelson — and another I could name — and 
why, if you are sufficiently impressed with your 
danger do you not (as New Yk. has done in the 
case of Mr. Jay) send an extra member or two for 
at least a certain limited time till the great business 
of the Nation is put upon a more respectable and 
happy establishmt. — Your Money is now sinking 
5 pr. ct. a day in this city; and I shall not be sur- 
prized if in the course of a few months a total stop 
is put to the currency of it. — And yet an Assembly 
— a concert — a Dinner — or supper (that will cost 
three or four hundred pounds) will not only take 
Men off from acting in but even from thinking of 
this business while a great part of the Officers of 
ye Army from absolute necessity are quitting the 
service and ye more virtuous few rather than do 
this are sinking by sure degrees into beggary and 
want. — I again repeat to you that this is not an 
exaggerated acct. ; that it is an alarming one I do 
not deny, and confess to you that I feel more real 
distress on acct. of the prest. appearances of things 
than I have done at any one time since the com- 
mencement of the dispute — but it is time to bid you 



George Mason 135 

once more adieu. — Providence has heretofore taken 
me up when all other means and hope seemed to be 
departing from me in this. I will confide. — 
Yours — &c.^ 



TO GEORGE MASON 

MiDDLEBROOK, 27 March, 1779. 

Dear Sir: 

* * * Though it is not in my power to devote 
much time to a private corrispondence owing to the 
multiplicity of public Letters & other business I 
have to read, write, & transact ; yet, I can with great 
truth assure you that it would afford me very singu- 
lar pleasure to be favored at all times with your 
sentiments in a leizure hour upon public matters 
of general concernment, as well as those which more 
immediately respect your own State, if proper 
conveyances would render prudent a free com- 
munication. I am particularly desirous of it at 
this time because I view things very differently, I 
fear, from what the people in general do, who seem 

1 " It gives me sincere pleasure to find, that there is likely 
to be a coalition of the Whigs in your State [Pennsylvania], (a 
few only excepted,) and that the Assembly of it are so well 
disposed to second your endeavors in bringing those murderers 
of our cause, the monopolizers, forestallers, and engrossers, to 
condign punishment. It is much to be lamented, that each State 
long ere this has not hunted them down as the pests of society, 
and the greatest enemies we have to the happiness of America. 
I would to God, that one of the most atrocious in each State 
was hung in gibbets upon a gallows five times as high as the 
one prepared by Haman. No punishment, in my opinion, is 
too great for the man, who can build his greatness upon his 
country's ruin." — Washington to Reed, December 12, 1778. 



136 George Washington 

to think the contest is at an end, & to make money, 
and get places the only things now remaining to 
do. I have seen without despondency even for a 
momt. — the hours which America have stiled her 
gloomy ones, but I have beheld no day since the 
commencement of hostilities that I have thought 
her liberties in such eminent danger as at present. 

Friends and Foes seem now to combine to pull 
down the goodly fabric we have hitherto been rais- 
ing at the expense of so much time, blood, & 
treasure — & unless the bodies politic will exert them- 
selves to bring things back to first principles — cor- 
rect abuses — & punish our internal Foes inevitable 
ruin must follow, — indeed we seem to be verging 
so fast to destruction that I am filled with sensa- 
tions to which I have been a stranger till within 
these three months. 

Our Enemy, behold with exultation & joy, how 
effectually we labor for their benefit ; and from be- 
ing in a state of absolute despair, and on the point 
of evacuating America, are now on tiptoe — nothing 
therefore, in my judgement, can save us but a total 
reformation in our own conduct or some decisive 
turn to affairs in Europe. The former alas ! to our 
shame be it spoken! is less likely to happen than 
the latter; as it is more consistent with the views of 
the speculators — various tribes of money makers & 
stock jobbers of all denominations to continue the 
War for their own private emolument without 
considering that their avarice & thirst for gain must 
plunge every thing, including themselves in one 
common ruin. 



George Mason 137 

Were I to endulge my present feelings, & give a 
loose to that freedom of expression which my un- 
reserved friendship for you would prompt me to, 
I should say a great deal on this subject. 

But letters are liable to so many accidents, & the 
sentiments of men in office sought after by the 
enemy with so much avidity, & besides, conveying 
useful knowledge (if they get into their hands) 
for the superstructure of their plans, is often per- 
verted to the wors[t] of purposes that I shall be 
somewhat reserved notwithstanding this letter 
goes by a private hand to Mount Vernon. — I can- 
not refrain lamenting, however, in the most poign- 
ant terms, the fatal policy too prevalent in most 
of the States of employing their ablest men at home 
in posts of honor or profit, till the great National 
Interest is fixed upon a solid basis. — To me, it ap- 
pears no unjust simile to compare the affairs of 
this great Continent to the mechanism of a clock, 
each state representing some one or other of the 
smaller parts of it which they are endeavoring to 
put in fine order without considering how useless 
& unavailing their labor is unless the great Wheel, 
or Spring which is to set the whole in motion is 
also well attended to — & kept in good order — I 
allude to no particular state — nor do I mean to 
cast reflections upon any of them — nor ought I, it 
may be said to do so upon their representatives; 
but, as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed that 

C [Congress] is rent by Party — that much 

business of a trifling nature & personal concern- 
ment withdraw their attention from matters of 



138 George Washington 

great national moment at this critical period. — 
When it is also known that idleness & dissipation 
take place of close attention & application, a man 
who wishes well to the liberties of his Country and 
desires to see its rights established cannot avoid 
crying out where are our men of abilities? Why 
do they not come forth to save their Country? let 
this voice my dear Sir call upon you — Jefferson & 
others — do not from a mistaken opinion that we 
are about to set down under our own vine, & our 
own fig tree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in 
ignom'y — believe me when I tell you there is dan- 
ger of it — I have pretty good reasons for thinking 
that Administration a little while ago had resolved 
to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace with 
us upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much mis- 
taken if they do not now from the present state of 
our currency dissentions & other circumstances 
push matters to the utmost extremity — nothing I 
am sure will prevent it but the interposition of 
Spain, & their disappointed hope from Russia. 

I thank you most cordially for your kind offer 
of rendering me services. I shall without reserve, 
as heretofore, call upon you whenever instances 
occur that may require it, being with the sincerest 
regard, &c. 



TO JAMES WARREN, IN MASSACHUSETTS 

MiDDLEBROOK, 31 March, 1779. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * Our conflict is not likely to cease so 



James Warren 139 

soon as every good man would wish. The measure 
of iniquity is not yet filled; and, unless we can re- 
turn a little more to first principles, and act a little 
more upon patriotic grounds, I do not know when 
it will, or what may be the issue of the contest. 
Speculation, Peculation, Engrossing, forestalling, 
with all their concomitants, afford too many mel- 
ancholy proofs of the decay of public virtue, and 
too glaring instances of its being the interest and 
desire of too many, who would wish to be thought 
friends, to continue the war. Nothing, I am con- 
vinced, but the depreciation of our currency, pro- 
ceeding in a great measure from the foregoing 
causes, aided by stockjobbing and party dissen- 
sions, has fed the hopes of the Enemy and kept the 
'B. arms in America to this day. They do not 
scruple to declare this themselves, and add, that we 
shall be our own conquerors. Cannot our common 
country, Ama., possess virtue enough to disappoint 
them? Is the paltry consideration of a little dirty 
pelf to individuals to be placed in competition with 
the essential rights and liberties of the present gen- 
eration, and of millions yet unborn? Shall a few 
designing men, for their own aggrandizement, & 
to gratify their own avarice, overset the goodly 
fabric we have been rearing at the expense of so 
much time, blood, & treasure? And shall we at 
last become the victims of our own abominable lust 
of gain? Forbid it Heaven! Forbid it all & 
every State in the Union! by enacting & enforcing 
efficacious laws for checking the growth of these 
monstrous evils, & restoring matters in some degree 



I40 George Washington 

to the pristine state they were in at the commence- 
ment of the war! 

Our cause is noble. It is the cause of mankind, 
and the danger to it is to be apprehended from our- 
selves. Shall we slumber and sleep, then, while we 
should be punishing those miscreants, who have 
brot. these troubles upon us, & who are aimg. to 
continue us in them; while we should be striving 
to fill our battalions, & devising ways and means to 
appreciate the currency, on the credit of wch. every 
thing depends? I hope not. Let vigorous meas- 
ures be adopted; not to limit the prices of articles, 
for this I believe is inconsistent with the very na- 
ture of things, and impracticable in itself; but to 
punish speculators, forestallers, & extortioners, and 
above all to sink the money by heavy taxes, to pro- 
mote pubhc & private economy, Encourage manu- 
factures &c. Measures of this sort, gone heartily 
into by the several States, would strike at once at 
the root of all our evils, & give the coup de grace 
to British hope of subjugating this continent, 
either by their arms or their arts. The first, as I 
have before observed, they acknowledge is unequal 
to the task ; the latter I am sure will be so, if we are 

not lost to every thing that is good & virtuous. 

« * ^ 1 



1 " It is most devoutly to be wished that the several States 
would adopt some vigorous measures for the purpose of giving 
credit to the paper currency and punishment of speculators, 
forestallers and others who are preying upon the vitals of this 
great Country and putting every thing to the utmost hazard. 
Alas! what is virtue come to — what a miserable change has four 
years produced in the temper & dispositions of the Sons of 



Governor Trumbull 141 

TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL ^ 

Head Quarters, Morris-Town, 8 January, 1780. 

Dear Sir, — 

I have the honor to enclose your Excellency the 
copy of a letter I have just received from the late 
Commissary General by which you will see upon 
how ill a footing our future prospects of supplies 
are, particularly with respect to meat. This corres- 
ponds with representations from every quarter and 
with what we actually feel. The army has been 
near three months on a short allowance of bread; 
within a fortnight past almost perishing. They 
have been sometimes without bread, sometimes 
without meat; at no time with much of either, and 
often without both. They have borne their dis- 
tress, (in which the officers have shared a common 
lot with the men, ) with as much fortitude as human 
nature is capable of; but they have been at last 
brought to such a dreadful extremity that no au- 
thority or influence of the officers — no virtue or 
patience in the men themselves, could any longer 
restrain them from obeying the dictates of their 
sufferings. The soldiery have in several instances 
plundered the neighboring inhabitants even of 
their necessary subsistence. Without an immedi- 

America! It really shocks me to think of it! " — Washington to 
Burivell Bassett, 22 April, 1779. 

1 Governor Trumbull was one of the most interesting char- 
acters in the Revolutionary War. He was in public life more 
than fifty years, during fourteen of which he was governor of 
Connecticut. In October, 1783, he declined re-election, being 
then in the seventy-third year of his age. 



142 George Washington 

ate remedy this evil would soon become intoler- 
able, and unhappily for us, we have no prospect of 
relief through the ordinary channels. We are re- 
duced to this alternative, either to let the army dis- 
band or to call upon the several counties of this 
State to furnish a proportion of cattle and grain 
for the immediate supply of our wants. If the 
magistrates refuse their aid, we shall be obliged to 
have recourse to a military impress. But this, Sir, 
is an expedient as temporary in its relief as it is 
disagreeable in its execution and injurious in its 
tendency. An Army is not to be supported by 
measures of this kind. Something of a more per- 
manent and effectual nature must be done. The 
legislative authority of the respective States must 
interpose its aid. The public treasury is exhausted ; 
we have no magazines anywhere that I know of; 
the public officers have neither money nor credit to 
procure supplies. I assure your Excellency, as 
far as my knowledge extends, this is a faithful rep- 
resentation of our affairs. Our situation is more 
than serious, it is alarming. I doubt not your Ex- 
cellency will view it in the same light, and that the 
Legislature of the State of Connecticut vdll give 
a fresh proof of their wisdom and zeal for the com- 
mon cause by their exertions upon the present oc- 
casion; and I hope I shall be thought to be justified 
by circumstances when I add, that unless each State 
enters into the business of supplying the army, as 
a matter seriously interesting to our political salva- 
tion, we may shortly be plunged into misfortunes 
from which it may be impossible to recover. 



Governor Trumbull 143 

I have made a similar representation to all the 
States on which we depend for supplies. Maryland 
has passed an act which promises us much assist- 
ance in the article of flour and forage, though it 
must be some time before we can feel the benefit 
of it. She has appointed commissioners in each 
County with full power to purchase or impress all 
the grain in the State, more than is sufficient for the 
use of the inhabitants, and has interested them in 
a vigorous execution of the Commission. 

I flatter myself the other States will make equal 
exertions; and then we shall escape the calamities 
with which we are now threatened.^ 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

1 " The situation of the army with respect to supplies is be- 
yond description alarming. It has been five or six weeks past on 
half allowance, and we have not more than three days bread at a 
third allowance on hand, nor anywhere within reach. When this 
is exhausted we must depend on the precarious gleanings of 
the neighboring country. Our magazines are absolutely empty 
everywhere and our Commissaries entirely destitute of money 
or credit to replenish them. We have never experienced a like 
extremity at any period of the war. We have often felt tem- 
porary want from accidental delays in forwarding supplies, but 
we always had something in our magazines and the means of 
procuring more. Neither one nor the other is at present the 
case. 

" This representation is the result of a minute examination 
of our resources. Unless some extraordinary and immediate 
exertions are made by the State from which we draw our sup- 
plies, there is every appearance that the army will infallibly 
disband in a fortnight. I think it my duty to lay this candid 
view of our situation before your Excellency, and to intreat 
the vigorous interposition of the State to rescue us from the 
danger of an event, which if it did not prove the total ruin of 
our affairs, would at least give them a shock from which they 
would not easily recover, and plunge us into a train of new 
and still more perplexing embarrassments than any we have 



144 George Washington 

TO THE PRESn)ENT OF CONGRESS 

Head-Quarters, Morris Town, 3 April, 1780. 

Sir, 

* * * Before I conclude, I think it my duty to 
touch upon the general situation of the army at 
this juncture. It is absolutely necessary Congress 
should be apprized of it, for it is difficult to forsee 
what may be the result; and, as very serious con- 
sequences are to be apprehended, I should not be 
justified in preserving silence. There never has 
been a stage of the war, in which the dissatisfaction 
has been so general or alarming.^ It has lately, in 
particular instances, worn features of a very dan- 
gerous complexion. A variety of causes has con- 
hitherto felt." — Circular Letter to the Executives of Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey, New York, Maryland, and Delaware, 16 
December, 1779. 

" Our affairs are in so deplorable a condition (on the score of 
provisions) as to fill the mind with the most anxious & alarm- 
ing fears. Such a situation, at all times to be lamented, is pecu- 
liarly unfortunate at this juncture, when there now is, or soon 
must be, a field opened for Enterprise. 

" Circumstanced as things are, men half-starved, imperfectly 
cloathed, riotous, & robbing the country people of their sub- 
sistence from sheer necessity, I think it scarcely possible to em- 
brace any momt. (however favourable in other respects,) for 
visiting the enemy on Staten Island; & yet, if this frost should 
have made a firm & solid bridge between them and us, I should 
be unwilling, indeed I cannot relinquish the idea of attempting 
it." — Washington to Brigadier-General Irvine, 9 January, 1780. 

1 " My sentiments concerning public affairs correspond too 
much with yours. The prospect, my Dear Baron, is gloomy, 
and the storm threatens. Not to have the anxieties you express, 
at the present juncture, would be not to feel that zeal and 
interest in our cause, by which all your whole conduct shows 
you to be actuated. But I hope we shall extricate ourselves, 
and bring everything to a prosperous issue. I have been so 
inured to difficulties in the course of this contest, that I have 



President of Congress 1 45 

tributed to this; The diversity in the terms of 
enhstments, the inequahty of the rewards given for 
entering into the service, but still more the dis- 
parity in the provision made by the several States 
for the respective Troops. The system of State 
supplies, however in the commencement dictated by 
necessity, has proved in its operation pernicious 
beyond description. An army must be raised, paid, 
subsisted, and regulated upon an equal and uni- 
form principle, or the confusions and discontents 
are endless. Little less than the dissolution of the 
army would have been long since the consequence 
of a different plan, had it not been for a spirit of 
patriotic virtue, both in officers and men, of which 
there are few examples, seconded by the unremit- 
ting pains that have been taken to compose and 
reconcile them to their situation. But these will 
not be able to hold out much longer against the in- 
fluence of causes constantly operating, and every 
day with some new aggravation. 

Some States, from their internal ability and lo- 
cal advantages, furnish their Troops pretty amply, 
not only with cloathing, but with many little com- 
forts and conveniences; others supply them with 
some necessaries, but on a more contracted scale; 
while others have it in their power to do little or 
nothing at all. The officers and men in the routine 
of duty mix dayly and compare circumstances. 

learned to look upon them with more tranquillity than form- 
erly. Those, which now present themselves, no doubt require 
vigorous exertions to overcome them, and I am [far] from de- 
spairing of doing it." — Washington to Baron Steuben, 2 April, 
1780. 



146 George Washington 

Those, who fare worse than others, of course are 
dissatisfied, and have their resentment excited, not 
only against their own State, but against the Con- 
federacy. They become disgusted with a service 
that makes such injurious distinctions. No argu- 
ments can persuade an officer it is justice he should 
be obliged to pay £ — a yard for cloth, and 
other things in proportion, while another is fur- 
nished at part of the price. The officers resign, 
and we have now scarcely a sufficient number left 
to take care even of the fragments of corps which 
remain. The men have not this resource. They 
murmur, brood over their discontents, and have 
lately shown a disposition to enter into seditious 
combinations. 

A new scene is now opening, which I fear will be 
productive of more troublesome effects, than any 
thing that has hitherto taken place. Some of the 
States have adopted the measure of making good 
the depreciation of the money to their Troops, as 
well for the past as for the future. If this does not 
become general, it is so striking a point, that the 
consequences must be unspeakably mischievous. I 
enter not into the propriety of this measure in the 
view of finance, but confine myself to its operation 
upon the army. Neither do I mean to insinuate, 
that the liberality of particular States has been 
carried to a blamable length. The evil I mean to 
point out is the inequality of the different provis- 
ions, and this is inherent in the present system. It 
were devoutly to be wished, a plan could be devised 
by which every thing relating to the army could be 



President of Congress 147 

conducted on a general principle, under the direc- 
tion of Congress. This alone can give harmony 
and consistence to our military establishment, and 
I am persuaded it will be infinitely conducive to 
public economy. I hope I shall not be thought to 
have exceeded my duty in the unreserved manner 
in which I have exhibited our situation. Congress, 
I flatter myself, will have the goodness to believe, 
that I have no other motives than a zeal for the 
public service, a desire to give them every neces- 
sary information, and an apprehension for the con- 
sequences of the evils we now experience. I have 
the honor to be, &c. 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Head-Qrs., Morris Town, 
27 May, 1780. 

Sir, 

It is with infinite pain I inform Congress, that 
we are reduced again to a situation of extremity 
for want of meat. On several days of late, the 
Troops have been entirely destitute of any, and for 
a considerable time past they have been at best, at 
half, a quarter, an Eighth allowance of this essen- 
tial article of provision. The men have borne their 
distress in general with a firmness and patience 
never exceeded, and every commendation is due the 
officers for encouraging them to it, by exhortation 
and by example. They have suffered equally with 
the men, and their relative situations considered, 
rather more. But such reiterated, constant in- 



148 George Washington 

stances of want are too much for the soldiery, and 
cannot but lead to alarming consequences. Ac- 
cordingly Two Regiments of the Connecticut line 
mutinied, and got under arms on Thursday night. 
And but for the timely exertions of some of their 
officers, who got notice of it, it might have been the 
case with the whole, with a determination to return 
home, or at best to gain subsistence at the point of 
the bayonet. After a good deal of expostulation 
by their officers and some of the Pennsylvania line, 
who had come to their assistance, and after parad- 
ing their regiments upon the occasion, the men 
were prevailed on to go to their huts; but a few 
nevertheless turned out again with their packs, 
who are now confined. Colonel Meigs, who acted 
with great propriety in endeavoring to suppress 
the mutiny, was struck by one of the soldiers. I 
wish our situation was better with respect to pro- 
vision in other quarters, but it is not. They are 
in as great distress at West Point to the full; and, 
by a Letter of the 19th from Colo. Van Schaick at 
Albany, he informs me, that the Garrison of Fort 
Schuyler had then only a month's supply on hand, 
and that there was no more provision to send them. 
From this detail Congress will see how distressing 
our situation is; but there are other matters which 
still contribute to render it more alarming. * * * 
Nothing is farther from my wishes, than to add 
in the smallest degree to the distresses or embarrass- 
ments of Congress on any occasion, and more par- 
ticularly on one where I have every reason to fear 
they have it not in their power to administer the 



President of Congress 149 

least relief. Duty however compels me to add one 
matter more to those I have already detailed. I 
have been informed by the Two Colonels of the 
Pennsylvania line, in whom I have the utmost con- 
fidence, who were called to assist Colo: Meigs to 
suppress the mutiny on Thursday night, that hi 
the course of their expostulations the troops very 
pointedly mentioned, besides their distresses for 
provision, their not being paid for Five months; 
and, what is of a still more serious and delicate na- 
ture in our present circumstances, they mentioned 
the great depreciation of the money, it's being of 
little or no value at all, and yet, if they should be 
paid, that it would be in this way, and according 
to the usual amount, without an adequate allow- 
ance for the depreciation. They were reasoned 
with, and every argument used that these gentle- 
men and Colo: Meigs could devise, either to in- 
terest their pride or their passions; they were 
reminded of their past good conduct; of the late 
assurances of Congress; of the objects for which 
they were contending; but their answer was, that 
their sufferings were too great, and that they 
wanted present relief, and some present substan- 
tial recompense for their services. This matter, I 
confess, tho' I have heard of no further uneasiness 
among the men, has given me infinitely more con- 
cern, than any thing that has ever happened, and 
strikes me as the most important, because we have 
no means at this time, that I know of, for paying 
the troops, but in Continental money; and as it is 
evidently impracticable, from the immense quantity 



150 George Washington 

it would require, to pay them in this, as much as 
would make up the depreciation. Every possible 
means in my power will be directed on this and on 
all occasions, as they ever have been, to preserve 
order and promote the public service; but in such 
an accumulation of distresses, amidst such a variety 
of embarrassments, which surround us on all sides, 
this will be found at least extremely difficult. If 
the troops could only be comfortably supphed with 
provisions, it would be a great point, and such as 
would with the event we expect soon to take place, 
the arrival of the armament from France to our 
succor, make them forget or at least forego many 
matters, which make a part of their anxiety and 
present complaints. I am, &c. 

P. S. I enclose Your Excellency three New 
York Gazettes; also a small printed paper found 
in our camp, containing an address to our soldiers 
by the enemy, to induce them to desert. It is most 
likely, that many copies were dispersed, and that 
they have had a considerable effect, tho' this is the 
only one that has been seen by the officers, notwith- 
standing their pains to find them. Your Excel- 
lency will see the points on which the enemy 
particularly found their addresses.^ 

1 " The time is at length arrived, when all the artifices, and 
falsehoods of the Congress and of your commanders can no 
longer conceal from you, the misery of your situation; you are 
neither Clothed, Fed nor Paid; your numbers are wasting away 
by Sickness, Famine, Nakedness, and rapidly so by the period 
of your stipulated Services, being in general expired, this is 
then the moment to fly from slavery and fraud. 

" I am happy in acquainting the old countrymen, that the 



President Reed 151 

TO PRESIDENT REED 

Head-Quarters, Bergen County, 
4 July, 1780. 

My Dear Sir, 

Motives of friendship not less than of public 
good, induce me with freedom to give you my 
sentiments on a matter, which interests you per- 
sonally as well as the good of the common cause. 
I flatter myself you will receive what I say in the 
same spirit which dictates it, and that it will have 
all the influence circumstances will possibly permit. 

The Legislature of Pennsylvania has vested you, 
in case of necessity, with a power of declaring Mar- 
tial Law throughout the State, to enable you to 
take such measures as the exigency may demand. 
So far the Legislature has done its part. Europe, 
America, the State itself, will look to you for the 
rest. The power vested in you will admit of all 
the latitude, that could be desired, and may be 
made to mean any thing, the public safety may re- 
quire. If it is not exerted proportionably, you 
will be responsible for the consequences. Nothing, 

affairs of Ireland are fully settled, and that Great Britain and 
Ireland are firmly united, as well from interest as from affec- 
tion : I need not now tell you who are born in America, that 
you have been cheated and abused; and you are both sensible, 
that in order to procure your liberty you must quit your lead- 
ers, and join your real friends who scorn to impose upon you, 
and who will receive you with open arms, kindly forgiving all 
your errors. 

" You are told that you are surrounded by a numerous militia, 
this is also false — associate them together, make use of your 
firelocks and join the British Army, where you will be permit- 
ted to dispose of yourselves as you please." — Ford. 



152 George Washington 

my dear Sir, can be more delicate and critical than 
your situation; a full discretionary power lodged 
in your hands in conjunction with the Council; 
great expectations in our allies and in the People 
of this country ; ample means in the State for great 
exertions of every kind; a powerful party on one 
hand to take advantage of every opening to preju- 
dice you, on the other popular indolence and 
avarice, averse to every measure inconsistent with 
present ease and present interest. In this dilemma, 
there is a seeming danger whatever side you take; 
it remains to choose that, which has least real dan- 
ger and will best promote the public weal. This in 
my opinion clearly is to exert the powers entrusted 
to you with a boldness and vigor suited to the 
emergency. 

In general I esteem it a good maxim, that the 
best way to preserve the confidence of the people 
durably is to promote their true interest. There 
are particular exigencies when this maxim has pe- 
culiar force. When any great object is in view, 
the popular mind is roused into expectation, and 
prepared to make sacrifices both of ease and prop- 
erty. If those, to whom they confide the manage- 
ment of their affairs, do not call them to make these 
sacrifices, and the object is not attained, or they are 
involved in the reproach of not having contributed 
as much as they ought to have done towards it, they 
will be mortified at the disappointment, they will 
feel the censure, and their resentment will rise 
against those, who, with sufficient authority, have 
omitted to do what their interest and their honor 



President Reed 153 

required. Extensive powers not exercised as far 
as was necessary have, I believe, scarcely ever failed 
to ruin the possessor. The Legislature and the 
People in your case, would be very glad to excuse 
themselves by condemning you. You would be 
assailed with blame from every quarter, and your 
enemies would triumph. 

The party opposed to you in the Government are 
making great efforts. I am told the bank, estab- 
lished for supplying the army, is principally under 
the auspices of that party. It will undoubtedly give 
them great credit with the People, and you have no 
effectual way to counterbalance this, but by em- 
ploying all your influence and authority to render 
services proportioned to your station. Hitherto 
I confess to you frankly, my dear Sir, I do not 
think your affairs are in the train which might be 
wished; and if Pennsylvania does not do its part 
fully, it is of so much importance in the general 
scale, that we must fail of success, or limit our views 
to mere defence. I have conversed with some gen- 
tlemen on the measure of filling your battalions. 
They seemed to think you could not exceed what 
the Legislature had done for this purpose. I am 
of very different sentiment. The establishment of 
Martial Law implies, in my judgment, the right of 
calling any part of your citizens into military serv- 
ice, and in any manner which may be found ex- 
pedient; and I have no doubt the draft may be 
executed. 

I write to you with the freedom of friendship, 
^nd I hope you will esteem it the truest mark I 



154 George Washington 

could give you of it. In this view, whether you 
think my observations well founded or not, the 
motive will, I am persuaded, render them agree- 
able. In offering my respects to Mrs. Reed I 
must be permitted to accompany them with a ten- 
der of my very warm acknowledgments to her and 
you for the civilities and attention both of you have 
been pleased to show Mrs. Washington, — and for 
the honor you have done me in calling the young 
Chi'istian by my name. With the greatest regard, 
I am, dear Sir, &c. 



TO FIELDING LEWIS 

Bergen County, Jersey, 
6 July, 1780. 

jfc jl' ^1^ ^^ ^ <^ 

The Gazettes will have given you an account of 
the enemy's movements on the 7th and 23d of last 
month from Elizabethtown-point, and of their 
having taken post there from the one date to the 
other; there can be no occasion therefore to detail 
the account in this place; but I may lament in the 
bitterness of my soul, that the fatal policy which 
has pervaded all our measures from the beginning 
of the war, and which no experience however dear 
bought can change, should have reduced our army 
to so low an ebb, as not to have given a more effect- 
ual opposition to those movements than we did; or 
that we should be obliged to be removing our stores 
from place to place to keep them out of the way of 
the enemy instead of driving that enemy from our 



Fielding Lewis i55 

country — but our weakness invited these insults, 
and why they did not attempt at least to do more 
than they did, I cannot conceive. Nor will it be 
easy to make any one at the distance of 400 miles 
believe that our army, weakened as it is by the ex- 
piration of men's enlistments, should at times be 
live or six days together without meat — then as 
many without bread — and once or twice, two or 
three days together without either — and that, in 
the same army, there should be numbers of men 
with scarcely as much cloathing as would cover 
their nakedness, and at least a fourth of the whole 
with not even the shadow of a blanket, severe as 
the winter has been. Under these circumstances 
it is no difficult matter to conceive what a time I 
must have had to keep up appearances and prevent 
the most disastrous consequences. 

It may be asked how these things have come to 
pass? the answer is plain — and may be ascribed to 
the want of system, not to say foresight — origin- 
ally (if it is not still the case with some) to a fatal 
jealousy (under our circumstances) of a standing 
army — by which means we neglected to obtain 
soldiers for the war when zeal and patriotism run 
high, and men were eager to engage for a trifle or 
for nothing; the consequence of which has been 
that we have protracted the war — expended mil- 
lions and tens of millions of pounds which might 
have been saved, and have a new army to raise and 
discipline once or twice a year, and with which we 
can undertake nothing because we have nothing 
to build upon, as the men are slipping from us 



156 George Washington 

every day by means of their expiring enlistments. 
To these fundamental errors, may be added an- 
other which I expect will prove our ruin, and that 
is the relinquishment of Congressional powers to 
the States individually — all the business is now 
attempted, for it is not done, by a timid kind of 
recommendation from Congress to the States; the 
consequence of which is, that instead of pursuing 
one uniform system, which in the execution shall 
corrispond in time and manner, each State under- 
takes to determine — 

1st. Whether they will comply or not. 
2nd. In what manner they will do it, and 
3d. In what time — by which means scarcely 
any one measure is, or can be executed, while great 
expences are incurred and the willing and zealous 
States ruined. In a word our measures are not 
imder the influence and direction of one council, but 
thirteen, each of which is actuated by local views 
and politics, without considering the fatal conse- 
quences of not complying with plans which the 
united wisdom of America in its representative ca- 
pacity have digested, or the unhappy tendency of 
delay, mutilation or alteration. I do not scruple 
to add, and I give it decisively as my opinion — 
that unless the States will content themselves with 
a full and well-chosen representation in Congress 
and vest that body with absolute powers in all mat- 
ters relative to the great purposes of war, and of 
general concern (by which the States unitedly are 
affected, reserving to themselves all matters of local 
and internal polity for the regulation of order and 



Fielding Lewis 157 

good government) we are attempting an impossi- 
bility, and very soon shall become (if it is not 
already the case) a many-headed monster — a hete- 
rogenious mass — that never will or can steer to the 
same point. The contest among the different 
States now is not which shall do most for the com- 
mon cause — but which shall do least, hence arise 
disappointments and delay, one State waiting to 
see what another will or will not do, through fear 
of doing too much, and by their deliberations, al- 
terations, and sometimes refusals to comply with 
the requisitions of Congress, after that Congress 
spent months in reconciling (as far as it is pos- 
sible) jarring interests, in order to frame their 
resolutions, as far as the nature of the case will ad- 
mit, upon principles of equality.^ 

1 " Certain I am, unless Congress speak in a more decisive 
tone, unless they are vested with powers by the several States 
competent to the great purposes of war, or assume them as 
matter of right, and they and the States respectively act with 
more energy than they hitherto have done, that our cause is 
lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill 
timing the adoption of measures, by delays in the execution 
of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous ex- 
penses and derive no benefit from them. One State will comply 
with a requisition of Congress; another neglects to do it; a 
third executes it by halves; and all differ either in the manner, 
the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always 
working up hill, and ever shall be; and, while such a system as 
the present one, or rather want of one prevails, we shall ever 
be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage. 

" This, my dear Sir, is plain language to a member of Con- 
gress; but it is the language of truth and friendship. It is 
the result of long thinking, close application, and strict ob- 
servation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen. 
I see one army branching into thirteen, which, instead of look- 
ing up to Congress as the supreme controlling power of the 



158 George Washington 

There is another source from whence much of our 
present distress, and past difficulties have flowed, 
and that is the hope and expectation which seizes 
the States, and Congress toward the close of every 
year, that Peace must take place in the Winter — 
This never fails to produce an apathy which lulls 
them into ease and security, and involves the most 
distressing consequences at the opening of every 
campaign. We may rely upon it that we shall 
never have Peace till the enemy are convinced that 
we are in a condition to carry on the war. It is 
no new maxim in politics that for a nation to ob- 
tain Peace, or insure it, it must be prepared for 
war. 

But it is time for me to recollect myself and quit 
a subject which would require a folio volume to 
illucidate, and expose the folly of our measures. 
To rectify past blunders is impossible, but we might 
profit by the experience of them, tho' even here I 
doubt, as I am furnished with many instances to 
the contrary. * * * 



TO MAJOR-GENERAX HEATH 

Robinson's House, 26 September. 1780. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * I cannot conclude, without informing 

United States, are considering themselves as dependent on their 
respective States. In a word, I see the powers of Congress de- 
clining too fast for the consideration and respect, which are 
due to them as the great representative body of America, and I 
am fearful of the consequences." — Washington to Joseph Jones, 
in Congress, 31 May, 1780. 



Major-General Heath 159 

you of an event, which has happened here, and 
M'hich will strike you with astonishment and indig- 
nation. Major-General Arnold has gone to the 
enemy. He had had an interview with Major 
Andre, adjutant-general of the British army, and 
had put into his possession a state of our army, of 
the garrison at this post, of the number of men 
considered as necessary for the defence of it, a re- 
turn of the ordnance, and the disposition of the 
artillery corps, in case of an alarm. By a most 
providential interposition. Major Andre was taken 
in returning to New York, with all those papers 
in General Arnold's handwriting, who, hearing of 
the matter, kept it secret, and left his quarters im- 
mediately, under pretence of going over to West 
Point on Monday forenoon, about an hour before 
my arrival; then pushed down the river in the 
barge, which was not discovered till I had returned 
from West Point in the afternoon; and, when I re- 
ceived the first information of Major Andre's cap- 
tivity, measures were instantly taken to apprehend 
him; but, before the officers, sent for the purpose, 
could reach Verplanck's Point, he had passed it 
with a flag, and got on board the Vulture ship of 
war, which lay a few miles below. He knew of 
my approach, and that I was visiting, with the 
Marquis, the north and middle redoubts, and from 
this circumstance was so straitened in point of 
time, that I believe he carried with him but very 
few if any material papers, though he has a very 
precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The 
gentlemen of General Arnold's family, I have 



i6o George Washington 

the greatest reason to believe, were not privy in the 
least degree to the measures he was carrying on, or 
to his escape. I am, dear Sir, with very great 
esteem and regard, yours, &ic. 



TO BEIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN CADWALADER 

Head-Qrs., Tappan, 5 October, 1780. 

Dear Sir, 

I have to acknowledge and thank you for your 
obliging and friendly letter of the 20th ulto. — It 
came to this place in my absence from the army and 
during my necessary detention at West Point on 
a very interesting but disgraceful incident in our 
military occurrences. 

Altho I have but httle leizure for the gratifica- 
tion of private correspondencies, I beg you to be 
assured, that, from a warmth of friendship, any 
letters of j^ours will be gratefully accepted; and it 
is with much pleasure I receive fresh assurances of 
your regard and attachment to me. We are now 
drawing an inactive campaign to a close; the be- 
ginning of which appeared pregnant with events 
of a favorable complexn. I hoped, but I hoped in 
vain, that a prospect was displaying, which wd. 
enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, 
and restore me to domestic life. The favorable 
disposition of Spain, the promised succor from 
France, the combined force in the West Indies, the 
declaration of Russia (acceded to by other powers 
of Europe, and humiliating to the naval pride and 



Brigadier-General John Cadwalader i6i 

power of Great Britain) / the superiority of France 
and Spain by sea in Europe, the Irish claims and 
English disturbances, formed in the aggregate an 
opinion in my breast, (which is not very susceptible 
of peaceful dreams,) that the hour of deliverance 
was not far distant; for that, however unwilling 
Great B. might be to yield the point, it would not 
be in her power to continue the contest. But alas ! 
these prospects, flattering as they were, have 
prov'd delusory, and I see nothing before us but 
accumulating distress. 

We have been half of our time without pro- 
vision, and are likely to continue so. We have no 
magazines, nor money to form them; and in a little 
time we shall have no men, if we had money to pay 
them. We have lived upon expedients till we can 
live no longer. In a word, the history of the war 
is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, 
instead of system and ceconomy. It is in vain, 
however, to look back, nor is it our business to do 
so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in 
the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. 

1 In this war, which was waged between France, Spain, and 
the United States on the one side and Great Britain on the 
other, the latter power showed little disposition to regard the 
rights of neutrals. In consequence, the Empress of Russia, 
on February 28, 1780, issued a declaration setting forth a series 
of principles or rules for the guidance of her naval officers in 
the protection of the neutral rights of her subjects. Other 
nations wei-e invited to join in her declaration, and Denmark, 
Sweden, Holland, Prussia, Austria, Portugal and the Two 
Sicilies did so. The league thus formed is known as the Armed 
Neutrality of 1780. See Moore, Digest of International Law, 
vii., 558. 



1 62 George Washington 

But to suppose that this great revolution can be 
accompHshed by a temporary army, that this army 
will be subsisted by State supplies, and that taxa- 
tion alone is adequate to our wants, is in my opin- 
ion absurd, and as unreasonable as to expect an 
Inversion in the order of nature to accommodate 
itself to our views. If it was necessary, it could 
easily be proved to any person of a moderate share 
of understanding, that an annual army or an army 
raised on the spur of the occasion, besides being 
unqualified for the end designed, is, in various ways 
which could be enumerated, ten times more expen- 
sive than a permanent body of men, under good 
organization and military discipline, which never 
was nor never will be the case of new Troops. A 
thousand arguments, resulting from experience and 
the nature of things, might also be adduced to 
prove, that the army, if it is to depend upon State 
supplies, must disband or starve; and that taxation 
alone, (especially at this late hour,) cannot furnish 
the means to carry on the War. Is it not time then 
to retract from error, and benefit by experience? 
Or do we want further proof of the ruinous system 
we have pertinaciously adliered to? * * * 



TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN LAURENS 

Hd-Qrs., Passaic Falls, 
13 October, 1780. 

My Dear Laurens, 

* * * In no instance since the commencement 
of the war, has the interposition of Providence ap- 



Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens 163 

peared more remarkably conspicuous than in the 
rescue of the post and garrison of West point from 
Arnold's villanous perfidy. How far he meant to 
involve me in the catastrophe of this place, does 
not appear by any indubitable evidence ; and I am 
rather inclined to think he did not wish to hazard 
the more important object of his treachery, by at- 
tempting to combine two events, the lesser of which 
might have marr'd the greater. A combination of 
extraordinary circumstances, and unaccountable 
deprivation of presence of mind in a man of the 
first abilities, and the virtue of three militia men, 
threw the adjutant-general of the British forces, 
(with full proofs of Arnold's treachery,) into our 
hands. But for the egregious folly, or the bewil- 
dered conception, of Lieut.- Colonel Jameson, who 
seemed lost in astonishment, and not to have known 
what he was doing, I should undoubtedly have got 
Arnold. Andre has met his fate, and with that 
fortitude, which was to be expected from an ac- 
complished man and gallant ofiicer; but I am mis- 
taken if, at this time, " Arnold is undergoing the 
torment of a mental Hell." ^ He wants feeling. 
From some traits of his character, which have lately 
come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so 
hackneyed in villany, and so lost to all sense of 
honor and shame, that, while his faculties will en- 

1 Alluding to a passage in Colonel Laurens's letter, in which 
he said : " Andre has, I suppose, paid the forfeit which public 
justice demanded. Example will derive new force from his 
conspicuous character. Arnold must undergo a punishment 
comparatively more severe in the permanent, increasing tor- 
ment of a mental hell." — October 4th. — Sparks. 



164 Georo^e Washinerton 



t)^ »v«,^xxxx.^, 



able him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will 
be no time for remorse. * * * 



TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN LAURENS ^ 

New Windsor, 15 January, 1781. 

Deae Sir, 

In compliance with your request I shall commit 
to writing the result of our conferences on the pres- 
ent state of American affairs, in which I have given 
you my ideas with that freedom and explicitness, 
which the objects of your commission, my entire 
confidence in you, and the exigency demand. To 
me it appears evident: 

1st. That, considering the diffused population 
of these States, the consequent difficulty of drawing 
together its resources, the composition and temper 
of a part of the inhabitants, the want of a sufficient 
stock of national wealth as a foundation for reve- 

1 In conformity with the instructions from Congress to Col- 
onel Laurens, that he should consult General Washington on 
the objects of his mission before his departure for France, he 
proceeded to head-quarters for that purpose. The substance 
of their consultations was embodied in the form of a letter, 
which it was intended Colonel Laurens should use in such a 
manner as he might think proper. He introduced copious ex- 
tracts from it into a memorial, which he presented to Count de 
Vergennes, and which is contained in the Diplomatic Corre- 
spondence of the American Revolution, vol. ix., p. 211. Those 
extracts differ in some slight particulars from the copy here 
printed, which is taken from General Washington's letter- 
books. The original letter, in the handwriting of General 
Washington, was likewise sent to Count de Vergennes, by Col- 
onel Laurens or Dr. Franklin, and is still preserved among the 

American Papers in the Archives of Foreign Affairs in Paris. 

Sparks. 



Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens 165 

nue, and the almost total extinction of commerce, 
the efforts we have been compelled to make for 
carrying on the war have exceeded the natural abili- 
ties of this country, and by degrees brought it to a 
crisis, which renders immediate and efficacious suc- 
cors from abroad indispensable to its safety. 

2dly. That, notwithstanding, from the confu- 
sion always attendant on a revolution, from our 
having had governments to frame and every species 
of civil and military institutions to create, from that 
inexperience in affairs necessarily incident to a na- 
tion in its commencement, some errors may have 
been committed in the administration of our finan- 
ces, to which a part of our embarrassments are to 
be attributed ; yet they are principally to be ascribed 
to an essential defect of means, to the want of a 
sufficient stock of wealth, as mentioned in the first 
article, which, continuing to operate, will make it 
impossible by any merely interior exertions to ex- 
tricate ourselves from those embarrassments, re- 
store public credit, and furnish the funds requisite 
for the support of the war. 

3dly. That experience has demonstrated the 
impracticability long to maintain a paper credit 
without funds for its redemption. The deprecia- 
tion of our currency was in the main a necessary 
effect of the want of those funds; and its restora- 
tion is impossible for the same reason, to which the 
general diffidence that has taken place among the 
people is an additional and, in the present state of 
things, an insuperable obstacle. 

4thly. That the mode, which for want of money 



i66 George Washington 

has been substituted for supplying the army, by 
assessing a proportion of the productions of the 
earth, has hitherto been found ineffectual, has fre- 
quently exposed the army to the most calamitous 
distress, and, from its novelty and incompatibility 
with ancient habits, is regarded by the people as 
burthensome and oppressive, has excited serious 
discontents, and in some places alarming symptoms 
of opposition. This mode has, besides, many par- 
ticular inconveniences, which contribute to make it 
inadequate to our wants, and ineligible but as an 
auxiliary. 

5thly. That, from the best estimates of the an- 
nual expense of the war and the annual revenues 
which these States are capable of affording, there 
is a large balance to be supplied by public credit. 
The resource of domestic loans is inconsiderable, 
because there are properly speaking few moneyed 
men, and the few there are can employ their money 
more profitably otherwise; added to which, the 
instability of the currency and the deficiency of 
funds have impaired the public credit. 

6thly. That the patience of the army, from an 
almost uninterrupted series of complicated dis- 
tress, is now nearly exhausted, and their discon- 
tents matured to an extremity, which has recently 
had very disagreeable consequences, and which 
demonstrates the absolute necessity of speedy re- 
lief, a relief not within the compass of our means. 
You are too well acquainted with all their suffer- 
ings for want of clothing, for want of provisions, 
for want of pay. 



Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens 167 

Tthly. That, the people being dissatisfied with 
the mode of supporting the war, there is cause to 
apprehend, that evils actually felt in the prosecu- 
tion may weaken those sentiments which began it, 
founded, not on immediate sufferings, but on a 
speculative apprehension of future sufferings from 
the loss of their liberties. There is danger, that a 
commercial and free people, little accustomed to 
heavy burthens, pressed by impositions of a new 
and odious kind, may not make a proper allowance 
for the necessity of the conjuncture, and may 
imagine they have only exchanged one tyranny 
for another. 

8thly. That, from all the foregoing considera- 
tions result, 1st, absolute necessity of an immedi- 
ate, ample, and efficacious succor in money, large 
enough to be a foundation for substantial arrange- 
ments of finance, to revive public credit, and give 
vigor to future operations; 2dly, the vast impor- 
tance of a decided effort of the allied arms on this 
continent, the ensuing campaign, to effectuate 
once for all the great objects of the alliance, the lib- 
erty and independence of these States. Without 
the first we may make a feeble and expiring effort 
the next campaign, in all probability the period to 
our opposition. With it, we should be in a condi- 
tion to continue the war, as long as the obstinacy of 
the enemy might require. The first is essential to 
the latter; both combined would bring the contest 
to a glorious issue, cro^\TL the obligations, which 
America already feels to the magnanimity and gen- 
erosity of her ally, and perpetuate the union by all 



1 68 George Washington 

the ties of gratitude and affection, as well as mutual 
advantage, which alone can render it solid and 
indissoluble. 

9thly. That, next to a loan of money, a con- 
stant naval superiority on these coasts is the object 
most interesting. This would instantly reduce the 
enemy to a difficult defensive, and, by removing all 
prospect of extending their acquisitions, would 
take away the motives for prosecuting the war. 
Indeed, it is not to be conceived how they could 
subsist a large force in this country, if we had the 
command of the seas, to interrupt the regular trans- 
mission of supplies from Europe. This superior- 
ity, (with an aid in money,) would enable us to 
convert the war into a vigorous offensive. I say 
nothing of the advantages to the trade of both na- 
tions, nor how infinitely it would facilitate our sup- 
plies. With respect to us, it seems to be one of 
two deciding points; and it appears, too, to be the 
interest of our allies, abstracted from the immedi- 
ate benefits to this country, to transfer the naval 
war to America. The number of ports friendly to 
them, hostile to the British, the materials for re- 
pairing their disabled ships, the extensive supplies 
towards the subsistence of their fleet, are circum- 
stances which w^ould give them a palpable advantage 
in the contest of these seas. 

lOthly. That an additional succor in troops 
would be extremely desirable. Besides a rein- 
forcement of numbers, the excellence of French 
troops, that perfect discipline and order in the 
corps already sent, which have so happily tended to 



Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens 169 

improve the respect and confidence of the people 
for our allies, the conciliating disposition and the 
zeal for the service, which distinguish every rank, 
sure indications of lasting harmony, — all these 
considerations evince the immense utility of an ac- 
cession of force to the corps now here. Corre- 
spondent with these motives, the enclosed minutes 
of a conference between their Excellencies the 
Count de Rochambeau, the Chevalier de Ternay, 
and myself will inform you, that an augmentation 
to fifteen thousand men was judged expedient for 
the next campaign; and it has been signified to me, 
that an application has been made to the court of 
France to this effect. But if the sending so large 
a succor in troops should necessarily diminish the 
pecuniary aid, which our allies may be disposed to 
grant, it were preferable to diminish the aid in men ; 
for the same sum of money, which would transport 
from France and maintain here a body of troops 
with all the necessary apparatus, being put into 
our hands to be employed by us, would serve to give 
activity to a larger force within ourselves, and its 
influence would pervade the whole administration. 
llthly. That no nation will have it more in its 
power to repay what it borrows than this. Our 
debts are hitherto small. The vast and valuable 
tracts of unlocated lands, the variety and fertility 
of climates and soils, the advantages of every kind 
which we possess for conmierce, insure to this coun- 
try a rapid advancement in population and pros- 
perity, and a certainty, its independence being 
established, of redeeming in a short term of years 



lyo George Washington 

the comparatively inconsiderable debts it may have 
occasion to contract. 

That, notwithstanding the difficulties under which 
we labor, and the inquietudes prevailing among the 
people, there is still a fund of inclination and re- 
source in the country, equal to great and continued 
exertions, provided we have it in our power to stop 
the progress of disgust, by changing the present 
system, and adopting another more consonant with 
the spirit of the nation, and more capable of activity 
and energy in public measures; of which a power- 
ful succor of money must be the basis. The peo- 
ple are discontented; but it is with the feeble and 
oppressive mode of conducting the war, not with 
the war itself. They are not unwilling to contrib- 
ute to its support, but they are unwilling to do it 
in a way that renders private property precarious; 
a necessary consequence of the fluctuation of the 
national currency, and of the inability of govern- 
ment to perform its engagements oftentimes 
coercively made. A large majority are still firmly 
attached to the independence of these States, ab- 
hor a reunion with Great Britain, and are affection- 
ate to the alliance with France; but this disposition 
cannot supply the place of means customary and 
essential in war, nor can we rely on its duration 
amidst the perplexities, oppressions, and misfor- 
tunes, that attend the want of them.^ 

1 " I am sorry to hear, that the recruiting business in your 
State is clogged with so many embarrassments. It is per- 
haps the greatest of the great evils attending this contest, 
that States as well as individuals had rather wish well, than 
^ct well; had rather see a thing done, than do it, or contribute 



Lord Cornwallis 171 

If the foregoing observations are of any use to 
you, I shall be happy. I wish you a safe and 
pleasant voyage, the full accomplishment of your 
mission, and a speedy return; being, with senti- 
ments of perfect friendship, regard, and affection, 
dear Sir, &c. 



TO LORD CORNWALLIS 

Head Quarters, before York, 
18 October, 1781. 

My Lord, 

To avoid unnecessary discussion and delays I 
shall at once, in answer to your Lordships letters 
of yesterday, declare the general basis upon which a 
definitive treaty and capitulation must take place. 
The garrisons of York and Gloucester, including 
the seamen, as you propose, will be received Pris- 

their just proportion to the doing it. This conduct is not only 
injurious to the common cause, but in the end most expensive to 
themselves; besides the distrusts and jealousies, which are 
sown by such conduct. To expect brick without straw is idle, 
and yet I am called upon, with as much facility to furnish men 
and means for every service and every want, as if every iota 
required of the States had been furnished, and the whole was at 
my disposal; when the fact is, I am scarcely able to provide a 
garrison for West Point, or to feed the men that are there. 
This, and ten thousand reasons, which I could assign, prove the 
necessity of something more than recommendatory powers in 
Congress. If that body is not vested with a controuling power 
in matters of common concern, and for the great purposes of 
war, I do not scruple to give it decidedly as my opinion, that it 
will be impossible to prosecute it to any good effect. Some 
States are capitally injured if not ruined, by their own exer- 
tions and the neglects of others; while by these irregularities 
the strength and resources of the country never are, nor can be, 
employed to advantage." — Washington to Major-General Arm- 
strong, 26 March, 1781. 



172 George Washington 

oners of War. The condition annexed, of sending 
the British and German troops to the parts of 
Europe to which they respectively belong, is inad- 
missible. Instead of this they will be marched to 
such parts of the Country as can most conveniently 
provide for their subsistence, and the benevolent 
treatment of Prisoners, which is invariably ob- 
served by the Americans, will be extended to them. 
The same honors will be granted to the surrender- 
ing Army as were granted to the Garrison of 
Charlestown. The shipping and boats in the two 
harbors, with all their Guns, Stores, Tackling, 
furniture and apparel, shall be delivered in their 
present state to an officer of the Navy, appointed 
to take possession of them. 

The Artillery, Arms, Accoutrements, Military 
Chest, and public stores of every denomination, 
shall be delivered, unimpaired to the heads of de- 
partments to which they respectively belong. 

The officers will be indulged in retaining their 
side arms, and the officers and soldiers may preserve 
their baggage and effects, with this reserve, that 
property taken in the Country will be reclaimed. 

With regard to the individuals in civil capacities 
whose interests, your Lordship wishes may be at- 
tended to ; until they are more particularly described 
nothing definitive can be settled. 

I have to add that I expect the sick and wounded 
will be supplied with their own Hospital Stores, 
and be attended by Britfsli Surgeons, particularly 
charged with the care of them. 

Your Lordship will be pleased to signify your 



President of Congress 1 73 

determination either to accept or reject the pro- 
posals now offered in the course of two hours from 
the dehvery of this letter that Commissioners may 
be appointed to digest the articles of capitulation, 
or a renewal of hostilities may take place. I have 
the honor, &;c. 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Head-Quarters, near York, 
19 October, 1781. 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform Congress, that a re- 
duction of the British army, under the command of 
Lord Cornwallis, is most happily effected. The 
unremitted ardor, which actuated every officer and 
soldier in the combined army on this occasion, has 
principally led to this important event, at an ear- 
lier period than my most sanguine hopes had 
induced me to expect. 

The singular spirit of emulation, which animated 
the whole army from the first commencement of 
our operations, has filled my mind with the highest 
pleasure and satisfaction, and had given me the 
happiest presages of success. 

On the 17th instant, a letter was received from 
Lord Cornwallis, proposing a meeting of commis- 
ioners to consult on terms for the surrender of the 
posts of York and Gloucester. This letter (the 
first which had passed between us) opened a cor- 
respondence, a copy of which I do myself the honor 
to enclose; that correspondence was followed by 



174 George Washington 

the definitive capitulation, which was agreed to and 
signed on the 19th, a copy of which is also herewith 
transmitted, and which, I hope, will meek the appro- 
bation of Congress. 

I should be wanting in the feelings of gratitude, 
did I not mention on this occasion, with the warm- 
est sense of acknowledgment, the very cheerful and 
able assistance, which I have received in the course 
of our operation from his Excellency the Count de 
Rochambeau and all his officers of every rank in 
their respective capacities. Nothing could equal 
the zeal of our allies, but the emulating spirit of 
the American officers, whose ardor would not suffer 
their exertions to be exceeded. 

The very uncommon degree of duty and fatigue, 
which the nature of the service required from the 
officers of engineers and artillery of both armies, 
obliges me particularly to mention the obligations 
I am under to the conmianding and other officers 
of those corps. 

I wish it was in my power to express to Congress, 
how much I feel myself indebted to the Count de 
Grasse and the officers of the fleet under his com- 
mand, for the distinguished aid and support which 
has been afforded by them, between whom and the 
army the most happy concurrence of sentiments 
and views has subsisted, and from whom every pos- 
sible cooperation has been experienced, which the 
most harmonious intercourse could afford. 

Returns of the prisoners, military stores, ord- 
nance, shipping, and other matters, I shall do my- 
self the honor to transmit to Congress, as soon 



President of Congress 175 

as they can be collected by the heads of the depart- 
ments to which they belong. 

Colonel Laurens and the Viscount de Noailles, 
on the part of the combined army, were the gentle- 
men who acted as commissioners for forming and 
settling the terms of capitulation and surrender, 
herewith transmitted, to whom I am particularly 
obliged for their readiness and attention exhibited 
on the occasion. 

Colonel Tilghman, one of my aids-de-camp, will 
have the honor to deliver these despatches to your 
Excellency; he will be able to inform you of every 
minute circumstance, which is not particularly 
mentioned in my letter. His merits, which are too 
well known to need any observations at this time, 
have gained my particular attention, and I could 
wish that they may be honored by the notice of your 
Excellency and Congress. 

Your Excellency and Congress will be pleased 
to accept my congratulations on this happy event, 
and believe me to be, with the highest esteem, &c. 
Though I am not possessed of the particular re- 
turns yet I have reason to suppose that the number 
of prisoners will be between five and six thousand 
exclusive of seamen and others.^ 



1 " I cannot conclude without mentioning how sensibly I feel 
the dismemberment of America from this Empire, and that I 
should be miserable indeed if I did not feel that no blame on 
that account can be laid at my door, and did I not also know 
that knavery seems to be so much the striking feature of its 
J-- inhabitants that it may not in the end be an evil that they 
will become aliens to this kingdom. G. R." — George III. to the 
Earl of Shelburne, 10 November, 1782. 



176 George Washington 

TO JAMES MCHENRY 

Verplanck's Point, 12 September, 1782. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * Our prospects of peace are vanishing.^ 
The death of the Marquis of Rockingham has given 
a shock to the new administration, and disordered 
its whole system. Fox, Burke, Lord John Caven- 
dish, Lord Keppel, and I believe others, have left 
it. Earl Shelburne takes the lead, as first lord of the 
treasury, to which office he was appointed by 
the King, on the instant the vacancy happened by 

1 The negotiation of the treaty of peace between Great 
Britain and the United States was a complicated piece of di- 
plomacy. On March 4, 1782, the House of Commons adopted 
a resolution calling for the cessation of hostilities in America, 
but without authorizing the Cabinet to negotiate with the re- 
volted colonies on the basis of independence. On March 20, 
Lord North's ministry resigned, and was succeeded by the Mar- 
quis of Rockingham, who took Fox into his Cabinet as Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs, charged with the negotiation of peace with 
France, Holland, and Spain, while Earl Shelburne became Sec- 
retary for the Colonies and thus had charge of relations with 
America, which was still regarded as a colonial possession of 
Great Britain. America was represented in Europe by Franklin, 
John Adams, Jay, and Laurens, who, however, had been in- 
structed to make no peace with England unless with the concur- 
rence of France. Thus the negotiations between England and 
France were not in the same hands as those between England 
and America. When Franklin learned of the impending changes 
in the British Cabinet, he sent a note to his old friend Shelburne, 
expressing the hope that peace might soon be restored. Shel- 
burne, with the consent of his colleagues, sent Oswald to Paris 
to hold informal conferences with Franklin and learn on what 
terms peace could be made. On June 30, Fox, who felt that 
Shelburne was encroaching on his prerogatives, left the Cabi- 
net, and the next day the prime minister, Rockingham, died. 
The King appointed Shelburne to succeed him. On July 11, 
Parliament was adjourned, and did not meet again until the 
preliminary articles of the treaty of peace had been signed. 



James McHenry 177 

the death of Lord Rockingham. This nobleman, 
Lord Shelburne, I mean, declares, that the sun of 
Great Britain will set the moment American in- 
dependency is acknowledged, and that no man has 
ever heard him give an assent to the measure. On 
the other hand, the Duke of Richmond asserts, that 
the ministry, of which Lord Shelburne is one, came 
into office pledged to each other and upon the ex- 
press condition, that America should be declared 
independent; that he will watch him, and, the mo- 
ment he finds him departing therefrom, he will quit 
administration, and give it every opposition in his 
power. 

That the King will push the war, as long as the 
nation will find men or money, admits not of a 
doubt in my mind. The whole tenor of his con- 
duct, as well as his last proroguing speech, on the 
11th of July, plainly indicate it, and shows in a 

When Jay learned that France was planning to keep the United 
States out of the Mississippi Valley, and was opposing the 
American claim to the Newfoundland fisheries, he informed 
Shelburne that he was ready to begin negotiations without 
waiting for a formal recognition of independence provided Os- 
wald's commission should be so modified as to make it 
speak of the thirteen United States of America instead of 
treating them as thirteen separate colonies. In September, 
1782, a commission in this form was given to Oswald, and on 
November 30, the British and American commissioners agreed 
upon the preliminary articles of the treaty of peace. They 
were not to become effective, however, until a general peace 
between England and the powers with which she was at war had 
been signed. This was done September 3, 1783. The treaty 
between England and America had then to go to the American 
Congress for ratification. With a good deal ox difficulty a 
quorum of that body was obtained, and the final steps in the 
conclusion of peace were taken January 14, 1784. 



178 George Washington 

clear point of view the impohcy of relaxation on 
our part. If we are wise, let us prepare for the 
worst. There is nothing, which will so soon pro- 
duce a speedy and honorable peace, as a state of 
preparation for war; and we must either do this, or 
lay our account for a patched up inglorious peace, 
after all the toil, blood, and treasure we have spent. 
This has been my uniform opinion; a doctrine I 
have endeavored, amidst the torrent of expectation 
of an approaching peace, to inculcate, and the 
event, I am sure, will justify me in it. With much 
truth, I am, &c. 



TO TENCH TILGHMAN 

Newburg, 10 January, 1783. 

My dear Sir, 

I have been favored with your letters of the 22d 
& 24th of last month from Philadelphia ; and thank 
you for the trouble you have had with my small 
commissions. — I have sent Mr. Rittenhouse the 
glass of such spectacles as suit my eyes, that he may 
know how to grind his Christals. 

Neither Duportail nor Gouvion are arrived at 
this place. — To the latter, I am refered by the 
Marqs. la Fayette for some matters which he did 
not chuse to commit to writing.^ — The sentim'nt 
however which he has delivered (with respect to the 
negociations for Peace) accord precisely with the 

1 Lafayette had written, June 25, 1782, to Livingston, giving 
his sentiments on the negotiations for peace. — Diplomatic Cor- 
respondence. 



Tench Tilghman 179 

ideas I have entertained of this business ever since 
the secession of Mr. Fox, viz — that no peace would 
be concluded before the meeting of the British par- 
liament. — And that, if it did not take place within 
a month afterwards, we might lay our acc't for 
one more Campaign — at least. 

The obstinacy of the King, and his unwillingness 
to acknowledge the Independence of the Country, 
I have ever considered as the greatest obstacles 
in the way of a Peace. Lord Shelburne, who 
is not only at the head of the Administration, 
but has been introducing others of similiar senti- 
ments to his own, has declared, that nothing but 
dire necessity should ever force the measure. Of 
this necessity, men will entertain different opin- 
ions. Mr. Fox, it seems, thought the period had 
arrived some time ago; and yet the Peace is 
not made — nor will it, I conceive, if the influence of 
the Crown can draw forth fresh supplies from the 
Nation, for the purpose of cariying on the War. 
By the meeting of Parliament, Lord Shelburne 
would have been able to ascertain two things — first, 
the best terms on which G. Britain could obtain 
Peace. — Secondly, the ground on which he himself 
stood. — If he found it slippery, and that the voice 
of the people was for pacific measures; he would 
then, have informed the Parliament that, after 
many months spent in negociation, — such were the 
best terms he could obtain; — and that the alterna- 
tive of accepting them, — or preparing vigorously 
for the prosecution of the War, was submitted to 
their consideration (being an extraordinary case) 



i8o George Washington 

and decision. A little time therefore, if I have 
formed a just opinion of the matter, will disclose 
the result of it. Consequently, we shall either soon 
have Peace, or not the most agreeable prospect of 
War, before us — as it appears evident to me, that 
the States generally, are sunk into the most pro- 
found lethargy, while some of them are running 
quite retrograde. 

The King of G. B. by his letters Patent, (which 
I have seen) has authorized Mr. Oswald to treat 
with any Commissioner or Com'rs from the United 
States of America, who shall appear with proper 
powers. This, certainly, is a capital point gained. 
It is at least breaking ground on their part, and I 
dare say proved a bitter pill to Royalty; that, it 
was indispensably necessary to answer one of the 
points above mentioned, as the American Commis- 
sioners would enter in no business with Mr. Os- 
wald till his Powers were made to suit their pur- 
poses. Upon the whole, I am fixed in an opinion 
that Peace, or a pretty long continuance of the 
War, will have been determined before the ad- 
journment for the Hollidays; and as it will be the 
middle or last of February before we shall know 
the result, time will pass heavily on in this dreary- 
mansion — where we are, at present fast locked in 
frost and snow. * * * ^ 

1 The packet Washington, which sailed from L'Orient on Jan- 
xiary 17, 1783, reached Philadelphia March 12 with the nev/s 
that the preliminary articles of peace between the United States 
and Great Britain had been signed on November 30, 1782. 
When the news was communicated to Washington, he wrote: 
" The articles of treaty between America and Great Britain are 



Benjamin Harrison i8i 

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON 

Newburg, 4 March, 1783. 

* * * What, my dear Sir, could induce the 
State of Virginia to rescind their assent to the Im- 
post Law ? ^ How are the numerous creditors in 
Civil as well as Military life to be paid unless there 
are regular & certain funds established to discharge 
the Interest of Monies which must be borrowed for 



as full and satisfactory as we have reason to expect; but from 
the connexion in which they stand with a general pacification, 
they are very inconclusive and contingent. From this circum- 
stance, compared with such other intelligence as I have been 
able to collect, I must confess, I have my fears that we shall 
be obliged to worry through another campaign before we arrive 
at that happy period, which is to crown all our toils." — Wash- 
ington to the President of Congress, 19 March, 1783. When the 
preliminary treaty arrived, most persons were ready to assume 
at once that peace was assured. But Washington was more 
cautious. Anxious as he was to retire to private life, he de- 
termined to remain in the service " until the arrival of the 
definitive treaty," or " the evacuation of my country by our 
newly acquired friends." — Washington to the Chevalier de 
Chastellux, 12 October, 1783. Sir Guy Carleton had already on 
August 17 notified the President of Congress that he had re- 
ceived private orders for the evacuation of New York. This 
event took place on November 25. Washington then wrote joy- 
fully: "After seeing the backs of the British Forces turned 
upon us, and the Executive of the State of New York put into 
peaceable possession of their Capitol, I set out for this place 
[Philadelphia]. On Monday next I expect to leave the city, 
and by slow traveling arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday, where 
I will spend one day and then proceed to Annapolis and get 
translated into a private Citizen." — Washington to McHenry, 
December 10, 1783. 

1 On February 3, 1781, Congress passed a resolution calling 
upon the States to grant it as an " indispensable necessity " the 
power to levy an import duty of five per cent, ad valorem. All 
the States except Rhode Island finally gave their consent sub- 
ject to various conditions, and Congress was about to send an 



1 82 George Washington 

these purposes? and what Tax can be more just, 
or better calculated to the end than an Impost? — 

The Alarm Bell which has been rung with such 
tremendous sound of the danger of entrusting Con- 
gress with the money is too selfish & futile to re- 
quire a serious answer — Who are Congress, but the 
People? — do they not return to them at certain 
short periods? — Are they not amenable at all times 
to them for their Conduct — & subject to recall? — 
What interest therefore can a man have under these 
circumstances distinct from his Constituents? — 
Can it be supposed, that with design^ he would form 
a junto — or dangerous Aristocracy that would 
operate against himself in less than a Month per- 
haps after it should be established? — I can have no 
conception of it. 

But from the observations I have made in the 
course of this war — and my intercourse with the 
States both in their united and seperate capacities 
have afforded ample opportunities of judging — I 
am decidedly of opinion that if the Powers of Con- 
gress are not enlarged, and made competent to all 
general purposes that the blood that has been spilt 

urgent plea to that delinquent when Virginia, on December 7, 
1782, rescinded her action. Her reasons, as set forth in the 
preamble of the act, were as follows: 

" The permitting any power, other than the general assembly 
of this commonwealth, to levy duties or taxes upon the citizens 
of this State within the same, is injurious to its sovereignty, 
may prove destructive of the rights and liberty of the people, 
and so far as Congress might exercise the same is contravening 
the spirit of the confederation." — Hening, Statutes-at-Large of 
Virginia, xi., 171. In October, 1783, however, after the receipt 
of Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors, Virginia as- 
sented to the impost by a unanimous vote. — Ibid., xi., 350. 



President of Congress 183 

— the Expences which have been incurred — and the 
distresses which we have undergone will avail us 
nothing — and that the band which at present holds 
us together, by a very feeble thread, will soon be 
broken when anarchy & confusion must ensue. 

You will excuse the freedom of these sentiments 
— they proceed from an honest heart Altho' they 
should be found to be the result of erroneous think- 
ing — they will at least prove the sincerity of my 
friendship, as they are totally undisguised. 

With great esteem &c. 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Head-Quarters, 12 March, 1783. 

Sir, 

It is with inexpressible concern I make the fol- 
lowing report to your Excellency. Two days ago, 
anonymous papers were circulated in the army, re- 
questing a general meeting of the officers on the 
next day. A copy of one of these papers is enclosed. 
No. 1. About the same time, another anonymous 
paper, purporting to be an address to the officers 
of the army, was handed about in a clandestine man- 
ner. A copy of this is marked No. 2. To prevent 
any precipitate and dangerous resolutions from be- 
ing taken at this perilous moment, while the pas- 
sions were all inflamed, as soon as these things had 
come to my knowledge the next morning, I issued 
the enclosed order, No. 3.^ In this situation the 
matter now rests. 

1 This was an order summoning a meeting of the officers, to 



184 George Washington 

As all opinion must be suspended until after the 
meeting on Saturday, I have nothing further to 
add, except a wish that the measure I have taken to 
dissipate a storm, which had gathered so suddenly 
and unexpectedly, may be acceptable to Congress; 
and to assure them that, in every vicissitude of cir- 
cumstances, still actuated with the greatest zeal in 
their service, I shall continue my utmost exertions 
to promote the welfare of my country, under the 
most lively expectation, that Congress have the best 
intention of doing ample justice to the army as 
soon as circumstances will possibly admit. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

P. S. Since writing the foregoing, another 
anonymous paper is put in circulation, a copy of 
which is enclosed. No. 4.^ 



address to the officers ^ 
Gentlemen, 

By an anonymous summons an attempt has been 

be held a few days later than the time fixed in the anonymous 
address. 

1 Read in Congress, March 17th. Referred to Oilman, Dyer, 
Clark, Rutledge, and Mercer. The committee was composed to 
" saddle with this embarrassment the men who had opposed 
the measures necessary for satisfying the army, viz: the half- 
pay and permanent funds; against one or other of which the 
individuals in question had voted." Madison further recorded 
that " the steps taken by the General to avert the gathering 
storm, and his professions of inflexible adherence to his duty to 
Congress and to his country, excited the most affectionate senti- 
ments towards him . . . [The situation] gave peculiar awe 
and solemnity to the present moment, and oppressed the minds 
of Congress with an anxiety and distress which had been 
scarcely felt in any period of the Revolution." — Ford. 

- " When the General took his station in the desk or pulpit. 



Address to the Officers 185 

made to convene you together. How inconsistent 
with the rules of propriety, how unmiHtary, and 
how subversive of all good order and discipline, let 
the good sense of the army decide. 

In the moment of this summons, another anony- 
mous production was sent into circulation; ad- 
dressed more to the feelings and passions, than to 
the reason and judgment of the army. The au- 
thor of the piece is entitled to much credit for the 
goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had as 
much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as 
men see through different optics, and are induced 
by the reflecting faculties of the mind to use dif- 
ferent means to obtain the same end, the author of 
the address should have had more charity, than to 
mark for suspicion the man, who should recommend 
moderation and longer forbearance, or in other 
words, who should not think as he thinks, and act 
as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in 
which candor and Hberality of sentiment, regard to 
justice, and love of country, have no part; and he 
was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion, to 
effect the blackest designs.^ 

which you may recollect, was in the Temple, he took out his 
written address from his coat pocket, and his spectacles, with 
his other hand, from his waistcoat pocket, and then addressed 
the officers in the following manner : * Gentlemen, you will per- 
mit me to put on my spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, 
but almost blind, in the service of my country.* This little ad- 
dress, with the mode and manner of delivering it, drew tears 
from [many] of the officers." — Colonel Cobb's letter. 

^ The authorship of the anonymous addresses was afterward 
avowed by Major John Armstrong, an aide-de-camp of General 
Gates. He was at that time a young man, and later served the 
government in various responsible positions. He prepared the 



1 86 George Washington 

That the address is drawn with great art, and is 
designed to answer the most insidious purposes, 
that it is calculated to impress the mind with an 
idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign 
power of the United States, and rouse all those re- 
sentments, which must unavoidably flow from such 
a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, who- 
ever he may be, intended to take advantage of the 
passions, while they were warmed by the recollec- 
tion of past distresses, without giving time for cool, 
deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind 
which is so necessary to give dignity and stability 
to measures, is rendered too obvious by the mode of 
conducting the business, to need other proof than 
a reference to the proceeding. 

Thus much. Gentlemen, I have thought it incum- 
bent on me to observe to you, to show upon what 
principles I opposed the irregular and hasty meet- 
ing, which was proposed to be held on Tuesday last, 
and not because I wanted a disposition to give you 
every opportunity, consistent with your own honor 
and the dignity of the army, to make known your 
grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not 
e\'inced to you, that I have been a faithful friend 
to the army, my declaration of it at this time would 
be equally unavailing and improper. But, as I 

addresses at the request of a number of his fellow-officers who 
felt aggrieved that their just claims were so long neglected by- 
Congress. Washington wrote in 1797: "I have since had suf- 
ficient reason for believing that the object of the author was 
just, honorable, and friendly to the country, though the means 
suggested by him were certainly liable to much misunderstand- 
ing and abuse," 



Address to the Officers 187 

was among the first, who embarked in the cause of 
our common country; as I have never left your 
side one moment, but when called from you on pub- 
lic duty; as I have been the constant companion 
and witness of your distresses, and not among the 
last to feel and acknowledge your merits ; as I have 
ever considered my own military reputation as in- 
separably connected with that of the army; as my 
heart has ever expanded with joy, when I have 
heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen, 
when the mouth of detraction has been opened 
against it; it can scarcely be supposed, at this late 
stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its inter- 
ests. But how are they to be promoted? The 
way is plain, says the anonymous addresser; if war 
continues, remove into the unsettled country; there 
establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful 
country to defend itself. But whom are they to 
defend? Our wives, our children, our farms and 
other property, which we leave behind us? Or, in 
the state of hostile separation, are we to take the two 
first (the latter cannot be removed) to perish in a 
wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness? If 
peace takes place, neither sheath your swords, says 
he, until you have obtained full and ample justice. 
This dreadful alternative, of either deserting our 
country in the extremest hour of distress, or 
turning our arms against it, which is the appar- 
ent object, unless Congress can be compelled into 
instant compliance, has something so shocking in 
it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! 
What can this writer have in view by recommend- 



1 88 George Washington 

ing such measures. Can he be a friend to the army? 
Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he 
not an insidious foe ? Some emissary, perhaps from 
New York, plotting the ruin of both by sowing 
the seeds of discord and separation between the 
civil and military powers of the continent? And 
what a compliment does he pay to our understand- 
ings, when he recommends measures, in either al- 
ternative, impracticable in their nature? 

But here, Gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, be- 
cause it would be as imprudent in me to assign my 
reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to 
your conception to suppose you stood in need of 
them. A moment's reflection will convince every 
dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of 
carrying either proposal into execution. 

There might. Gentlemen, be an impropriety in 
my taking notice, in this address to you, of an 
anonymous production; but the manner in which 
that performance has been introduced to the army, 
the effect it was intended to have, together with 
some other circumstances, will amply justify my 
observations on the tendency of that writing. 
With respect to the advice given by the author to 
suspect the man, who shall recommend moderate 
measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as 
every man who regards that liberty, and reveres 
that justice, for which we contend, undoubtedly 
must. For, if men are to be precluded from 
offering their sentiments on a matter, which may 
involve the most serious and alarming consequences, 
that can invite the consideration of mankind, 



Address to the Officers 189 

reason is of no use to us; the freedom of speech 
may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may 
be led away like sheep to the slaughter. 

I cannot, in justice to my own belief, and what 
I have great reason to conceive is the intention of 
Congress, conclude this address without giving it 
as my decided opinion, that that honorable body 
entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the 
army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and 
sufferings, will do it complete justice. That their 
endeavors to discover, and establish funds for this 
purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease, 
till they have succeeded, I have no doubt; but, like 
all other large bodies, where there is a variety of 
different interests to reconcile, their deliberations 
are slow. Why then should we distrust them ; and, 
in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures, 
which may cast a shade over that glory, which has 
been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation 
of an army, which is celebrated through all Europe 
for its fortitude and patriotism? And for what is 
this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? 
No! Most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast 
it at a greater distance. 

For myself (and I take no merit in giving the 
assurance, being induced to it from principles of 
gratitude, veracity, and justice), a grateful sense 
of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a 
recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt 
obedience I have experienced from you, under every 
vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I 
feel for an army I have so long had the honor to 



I go George Washington 

command, oblige me to declare in this public and 
solemn manner, that, in the attainment of complete 
justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the 
gratification of every wish, so far as may be done 
consistently with the great duty I owe to my coun- 
try, and those powers we are bound to respect, you 
may freely command my services to the utmost ex- 
tent of my abilities/ 

While I give you these assurances and pledge 
myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert 
whatever ability I am possessed of in your favor, 
let me entreat you. Gentlemen, on your part, not to 
take any measures, which, in the calm light of rea- 
son, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you 
have hitherto maintained. Let me request you to 
rely on the plighted faith of your country, and 
place a full confidence in the purity of the inten- 
tions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolu- 
tion as an army, they will cause all your accounts 
to be fairly liquidated, as directed in their resolu- 
tions, which were published to you two days ago, 
and that they will adopt the most effectual meas- 
ures in their power to render ample justice to you 
for your faithful and meritorious services. And 
let me conjure you in the name of our common 

1 In making this promise, Washington was not undertaking 
to pursue any new line of conduct. He had always been an 
ardent defender of the claims of the army to generous treat- 
ment at the hands of Congress. For several months he had 
been advocating the cause of the soldiers in his letters to Con- 
gress, and after the Newburg addresses more than a score of 
letters to the President of Congress, to individual members and 
other government officials, urge the immediate recognition of 
their rights. 



Joseph Jones 191 

country, as you value your own sacred honor, as 
you respect the rights of humanity, and as you re- 
gard the mihtary and national character of Amer- 
ica, to express your utmost horror and detestation 
of the man, who wishes, under any specious pre- 
tences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and 
who wickedly attempts to open the flood gates of 
civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. 
By thus determining and thus acting, you will 
pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment 
of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious de- 
signs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort 
from open force to secret artifice ; you will give one 
more distinguished proof of unexampled patriot- 
ism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pres- 
sure of the most complicated sufferings; and you 
will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion 
for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious 
example you have exhibited to mankind, " Had 
this day been wanting, the world had never seen 
the last stage of perfection, to which human nature 
is capable of attaining." 



TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS 

Newburg, 12 March, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

I have received your letter of the 27th ulto, and 
thank you for your information and the freedom 
of your communications. My official Letter to 
Congress of this date will inform you of what has 
happened in this Quarter; in addition to which, it 



192 George Washington 

may be necessary it should be known to you, and to 
such others you may think proper, that the temper 
of the army, though very irritable on acct. of their 
long protracted sufferings, have been apparently 
extremely quiet while their business was depending 
before Congress, until four days past. In the mean 
time, it should seem, reports have been propagated 
in Philadelphia, that dangerous combinations were 
forming in the army ; and this at a time, when there 
was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in camp. 
It also appears, that, upon the arrival of a cer- 
tain Gentleman from Phila. in camp, whose name 
at present I do not incline to mention, such senti- 
ments as these were immediately and industriously 
circulated; that it was universally expected the 
army would not disband until they had obtained 
justice; that the public creditors looked up to them 
for redress of their Grievances, would afford them 
every aid, and even join them in the Field if neces- 
sary; that some members of Congress wished the 
measure might take effect, in order to compel the 
Public, particularly the delinquent States, to do 
justice; with many other suggestions of a similar 
nature. From whence, and a variety of other 
considerations, it is generally believed, that the 
scheme was not only planned but also digested and 
matured in Philadelphia, and that some people have 
been playing a double game, spreading at the camp 
and in Philadelphia Reports, and raising jealousies, 
equally void of foundation, until called into be- 
ing by their vile artifices ; for, as soon as the minds 
of the officers were thought to be prepared for the 



Joseph Jones 193 

transaction, anonymous invitations were circulated, 
requesting a general meeting of the officers next 
day. At the same instant many copies of the ad- 
dress to the officers of the army was scattered in 
every State line of it. 

So soon as I obtained knowledge of these things, 
I issued the order of the 11th, transmitted to Con- 
gress, in order to rescue the foot, that stood waver- 
ing on the precipice of despair, from taking those 
steps, which would have led to the abyss of misery, 
while the passions were inflamed and the mind 
tremblingly alive with the recollection of past suf- 
ferings, and their present feelings. I did this upon 
the principle, that it is easier to divert from a wrong 
to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and 
fatal steps, that have been already taken. 

It is commonly supposed, that, if the officers had 
met agreeably to the anonymous summons, reso- 
lutions might have been formed, the consequences of 
which may be more easily conceived than expressed. 
Now they will have leisure to view the matter more 
calmly and seriously. It is to be hoped that they 
will be induced to adopt more rational measures, 
and wait a while longer for the settlemt. of their 
accts; the postponing of which gives more uneasi- 
ness in the army than any other thing. There is not 
a man in it, who will not acknowledge that Con- 
gress have not the means of payment ; but why not, 
say they one and all, liquidate the accts. and certifie 
our dues? Are we to be disbanded and sent home 
without this? Are we afterwards to make individ- 
ual applications for such settlements at Philadel- 

13 



1 94 George Washington 

phia, or any auditing office in our respective States ; 
to be shifted perhaps from one board to another, 
dancing attendance at all, and finally perhaps, be 
postponed till we lose the substance in pursuit of 
ye shadow? While they are agitated by these con- 
siderations, there are not wanting insidious char- 
acters, who tell them it is neither the wish nor the 
intention of the public to settle their accounts; but 
to delay this business under one pretext or another, 
until Peace, wch: we are upon the verge of, and a 
separation of the army takes place; when, it is well 
known it will be difficult if not impracticable; a 
general settlement never can be effected, and that 
individual loss in this instance becomes public gain. 
However derogatory these ideas are with the 
dignity, honor, and justice of government, yet a 
matter so interesting to the army, and at the same 
time so easy to be effected by the Public, as that of 
liquidating the accounts, is delayed without any 
apj)arent or obvious necessity, they will have their 
place in a mind that is soured and irritated. Let 
me entreat you, therefore, my good Sir, to push this 
matter to an issue; and, if there are Delegates 
among you, who are really opposed to doing jus- 
tice to the army, scruple not to tell them, if matters 
should come to extremity, that they must be an- 
swerable for all the ineffable horrors, which may be 
occasioned thereby. I am most sincerely and af- 
fectionately yours. 



Lund Washington 195 

TO LUND WASHINGTON 

Newburg, 19 March, 1783. 

Dear Lund, 

I did not write to you by the last post. I was 
too much engaged at the time, in counteracting a 
most insidious attempt to disturb the repose of the 
army, and sow the seeds of discord between the 
civil and military powers of the continent, to at- 
tend to small matters. The author of this attempt, 
whoever he may be, is yet behind the curtain; and 
as conjectures might be wrong, I shall be silent at 
present. The good sense, the virtue and patient 
forbearance of the army on this, as upon every 
other trying occasion which has happened to call 
them into action, has again triumphed; and ap- 
peared with more lustre than ever. But if the 
States will not furnish the supplies required by 
Congress, thereby enabling the Superintendent of 
Finance to feed, clothe, and pay the army, if they 
suppose the war can be carried on without money, 
or that money can be borrowed without permanent 
funds to pay the interest of it; if they have no re- 
gard to justice, because it is attended with expence; 
if gratitude to men, who have rescued them from 
the jaws of danger and brought them to the haven 
of Independence and Peace, is to subside, as danger 
is removed ; if the sufferings of the army, who have 
borne and forborne more than any other class of 
men in the United States, expending their health, 
and many of them their all, in an unremitted ser- 
vice of near eight years in the field; encountering 
hunger, cold and nakedness, are to be forgotten ; if 



196 George Washington 

it is presumed there is no bounds to the patience of 
the army; or that when peace takes place, their 
claims for pay due, and rewards promised may die 
with the military non-existence of its members — if 
such, I say, should be the sentiments of the States, 
and that their conduct, or the conduct of some, does 
but too well warrant the conclusion, well may an- 
other anonymous addresser step forward, and with 
more effect than the last did, say with him, *' You 
have arms in your hands; do justice to your- 
selves, and never sheath the sword, till you have 
obtained it." How far men who labor under the 
pressure of accumulated distress, and are irritated 
by a belief that they are treated with neglect, in- 
gratitude and injustice in the extreme might be 
worked upon by designing men, is worthy of very 
serious consideration. But justice, policy, yea com- 
mon sense must tell every man that the creditors of 
the continent cannot receive payments unless funds 
are provided for it, and that our national character, 
if these are much longer neglected, must be 
stamped with indelible infamy in every nation of 
the world where the fact is known.^ 

1 " Such an avidity appears among our People to make money, 
and so feeble the Reins of Government (where there is an at- 
tempt to use them) to restrain the illicit and pernicious inter- 
course of Trade with the enemy at New York, that the fence 
between them and us is entirely broken down, and nothing but 
an Army quite sufficient to form a close investiture of that 
place can repair it. Five such armies as I have would be in- 
competent, employed in any other way. The boats which have 
been Commissioned to obstruct this trade, are instrumental in 
carrying it on, and have been caught in the act as many other 
Trading parties also have been by the Guards and patroles I 
keep for this purpose. But it avails nothing. By Hook or by 



Benjamin Harrison 197 

TO GOVERNOR BENJAMIN HARRISON 

Newburg, 19 March, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

About the first of this month I wrote you a long 
letter/ I touched upon the state of the army, the 
situation of pubhc creditors, and wished to know 
from you as a friend, what causes had induced the 
Assembly of Virginia to withdraw their assent to 
the Impost Law, and how the Continental credi- 
tors (without adequate funds) were to come at or 
obtain security for their money. I little expected 
at the time of writing that letter, that we were on 
the eve of an important crisis to this army, when 
the touchstone of discord was to be applied, and the 
virtue of its members to undergo the severest trial. 

You have not been altogether unacquainted, I 
dare say, with the fears, the hopes, the apprehen- 
sions, and the expectations of the army, relatively 
to the provision, which is to be made for them 
hereafter. Altho' a firm reliance on the integrity 
of Congress, and a belief that the Public would 
finally do justice to all its Servants and give an 
indisputable security for the payment of the half- 
pay of the oflicers, had kept them amidst a variety 
of sufferings tolerably quiet and contented for two 
or three years past; yet the total want of pay, the 
little prospect of receiving any from the unpromis- 
ing state of the public finances, and the absolute 

Crook they are certain of acquittah In truth I am quite dis- 
couraged, and have scarce any thing left but lamentation for 
the want [of] virtue and depravity of my Countrymen." — 
Washington to Robert R. Livingston, 19 March, 1783. 
^ For part of this letter see page 181. 



iqS George Washington 

aversion of the States to estabhsh any Continental 
funds for the payment of the Debt due to the army, 
did at the close of the last Campaign excite greater 
discontents, and threaten more serious and alarm- 
ing consequences, than it is easy for me to describe 
or you to conceive. Happily for us, the officers of 
highest rank and greatest consideration interposed ; 
and it was determined to address Congress in an 
humble, pathetic, and explicit manner. 

While the Sovereign Power appeared perfectly 
well disposed to do justice, it was discovered that 
the States would enable them to do nothing; and 
in this state of affairs, and after some time spent on 
the business in Philadelphia, a Report was made 
by the Delegates of the army, giving a detail of 
the proceedings. Before this could be communi- 
cated to the Troops, while the minds of all were in 
a peculiar state of inquietude and irritation, an 
anonymous writer, who tho' he did not boldly step 
forth and give his name to the world, sent into cir- 
culation an address to the officers of the army, 
which, in point of composition, in elegance and 
force of expression, has rarely been equalled in the 
English Language, and in which the dreadful 
alternative was proposed, of relinquishing the Ser- 
vice in a body, in case the war continued, or retain- 
ing their arms in case of peace, until Congress 
should comply with all their demands. At the 
same time, seizing the moment when the minds were 
inflamed by the most pathetic representations, a 
General meeting of the officers was summoned by 
another anonymous production. 



Benjamin Harrison 199 

It is impossible to say what would have been the 
consequence, had the author succeeded in his first 
plans. But, measures having been taken to post- 
pone the meeting, so as to give time for cool re- 
flection and counteraction, the good sense of the 
oflicers has terminated this affair in a manner, which 
reflects the greatest glor^'- on themselves, and de- 
mands the highest expressions of gratitude from 
their Country. 

The Proceedings have been reported to Congress, 
and will probably be published for the satisfaction 
of the good people of these United States. In the 
mean time I thought it necessary to give you these 
particulars, principally with a design to communi- 
cate to you without reserve my opinion on this in- 
teresting subject. For, notwithstanding the storm 
has now passed over, notwithstanding the oflicers 
have in despite of their accumulated sufferings 
given the most unequivocal and exalted proofs of 
Patriotism, yet I believe, unless justice shall be 
done, and funds effectually provided for the pay- 
ment of the Debt, the most deplorable and ruin- 
ous consequences may be apprehended. Justice, 
honor, gratitude, policy, every thing is opposed to 
the conduct of driving men to despair of obtaining 
their just rights, after serving Seven years a pain- 
ful life in the Field. I say in the Field, because 
they have not during that period had any thing to 
shelter them from the inclemency of the seasons but 
Tents and such Houses as they could build for 
themselves. 

Convinced of this, and actuated as I am, not bv 



200 George Washington 

private and Interested motives, but by a sense of 
duty, a love of justice, and all the feelings of grati- 
tude towards a body of men, who have merited in- 
finitely well of their Country, I can never conceal 
or suppress my Sentiments. I cannot cease to 
exert all the abilities I am possessed of, to show 
the evil tendency of procrastinated justice, for I 
will not suppose it is intended ultimately to with- 
hold it, nor fail to urge the Establishment of such 
adequate and permanent funds, as will enable Con- 
gress to secure the payment of the public Debt, on 
such principles as will preserve the national faith, 
give satisfaction to the army and tranquillity to 
the Public. With great esteem and regard, I am, 
&c. 

P. S. The author of the Anonymous Address 
is yet behind the curtain; and, as conjecture may be 
grounded on error, I will not announce mine at 
present. 



TO THEODORICK BLAND 

Newburg, 4 April, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

On Sunday last the Baron de Steuben handed 
me your obliging favor of the 22d of March. Per- 
mit me to offer you my unfeigned thanks for the 
clear and candid opinions which you have given me 
of European politics. Your reasonings upon the 
conduct of the different Powers at War would have 
appeared conclusive, had not the happy event which 
has been since announced to us, and on which I 



Theodorick Bland 201 

most sincerely congratulate you, proved how well 
they were founded. Peace has given rest to specu- 
lative opinions respecting the time and terms of it. 
The first has come as soon as we could well have 
expected it under the disadvantages which we 
labored; and the latter is abundantly satisfactory. 

It is now the bounden duty of every one to make 
the blessings thereof as diffusive as possible. No- 
thing would so effectually bring this to pass as the 
removal of those local prejudices which intrude 
upon and embarass that great line of policy which 
alone can make us a free, happy and powerful 
People. Unless our Union can be fixed upon such 
a basis as to accomplish these, certain I am we have 
toiled, bled and spent our treasure to very little 
purpose. 

We have now a National character to establish, 
and it is of the utmost importance to stamp favor- 
able impressions upon it; let justice be then one of 
its characteristics, and gratitude another. Public 
creditors of everj'- denomination will be compre- 
hended in the first; the Army in a particular man- 
ner will have a claim to the latter; to say that no 
distinction can be made between the claims of pub- 
lic creditors is to declare that there is no difference 
in circumstances; or that the services of all men 
are equally alike. This Army is of near eight 
years' standing, six of which they have spent in the 
Field without any other shelter from the inclem- 
ency of the seasons than Tents, or such Houses as 
they could build for themselves without expence 
to the public. They have encountered hunger, 



202 George Washington 

cold and nakedness. They have fought many Bat- 
tles and bled freely. They have lived without pay, 
and in consequence of it, officers as well as men 
have subsisted upon their Rations. 

They have often, very often, been reduced to the 
necessity of Eating Salt Porke, or Beef not for a 
day, or a week only but months together without 
Vegetables or money to buy them; or a cloth to 
wipe on. 

Many of them to do better, and to dress as Offi- 
cers have contracted heavy debts or spent their 
patrimonies. The first see the Doors of Gaols 
open to receive them — whilst those of the latter are 
shut against them. Is there no discrimination then 
— no extra exertion to be made in favor of men in 
these peculiar circumstances, in the event of their 
military dissolution? Or, if no worse cometh of it, 
are they to be turned adrift soured and discon- 
tented, complaining of the ingratitude of their 
Country, and under the influence of these pas- 
sions, to become fit subjects for unfavorable im- 
pressions, and unhappy dissentions? For permit 
me to add, tho every man in the Army feels his dis- 
tress — it is not every one that will reason to the 
cause of it. 

I would not from the observations here made, be 
understood to mean that Congress should (because I 
know they cannot, nor does the army expect it) pay 
the full arrearages due to them till Continental 
or State funds are established for the purpose. They 
would, from what I can learn, go home con- 
tented — nay — thankful to receive what I have men- 



Theodorick Bland 203 

tioned in a more public letter of this date, and in 
the manner there expressed. And surely this may 
be effected with proper exertions. Or what possi- 
bility was there of keeping the army together, if 
the war had continued, when the victualling, cloth- 
ing, and other expenses of it were to have been 
added? Another thing Sir, (as I mean to be frank 
and free in my communications on this subject) I 
will not conceal from you — it is the dissimilarity in 
the payments to men in Civil and Military life. The 
first receive everything — the other get nothing but 
bare subsistence — they ask what this is owing to? 
and reasons have been assigned, which, say they, 
amount to this — that men in Civil hfe have stronger 
passions and better pretensions to indulge them, or 
less virtue and regard for their Country than us, — 
otherwise, as we are all contending for the same 
prize and equally interested in the attainment of 
it, why do we not bear the burthen equally? 

These and other comparisons which are unneces- 
sary to enumerate give a keener edge to their feel- 
ings and contribute not a little to sour their 
tempers. As it is the first wish of my Soul to see 
the War happily & speedily terminated; and those 
who are now in arms, returned to Citizenship with 
good dispositions, I think it a duty which I owe to 
candor and to friendship, to point you to such 
things as my opportunities have given me reason to 
believe will have a tendency to harmony and bring 
them to pass. I shall only add that with much es- 
teem and regard, I am, &c. 



2 04 George Washington 

TO THEODORICK BLAND 

Head-Quarters, 4 April, 1783. 

Sir, 

The subject of your private letter is so important 
and involving so many considerations, that I could 
not hazard my own opinion only for a Reply. I 
have therefore communicated its contents to some 
of the most intelligent, well-informed, and confi- 
dential officers, whose judgment I have compelled, 
and endeavored to collect from them, what is the 
general Line and Expectation of the Army at large 
respectg. the points you mention — and as this is 
meant to be equally private and confidential as 
yours, I shall communicate my sentiments to you 
without reserve, and with the most entire Freedom. 

The idea of the officers in keeping the Army to- 
gether until Settlement of their accounts is ef- 
fected, and Funds established for their Security, is 
perhaps not so extensive as the words of their Reso- 
lution seem to intimate. When that Idea was first 
expressed, our prospects of Peace were Distant, 
and it was supposed that Settlement and Funds 
might both be effected before a Dissolution of the 
Army would probably take place. They wished 
therefore to have both done at once. But since the 
Expectation of Peace is bro't so near, however de- 
sirable it would be to the officers, to have their 
Ballances secured to them upon sufficient Funds, 
as well as their Settlement ascertained, yet it is not 
in Idea, that the Army should be held together for 
the sole Purpose of enforcing either. Nor do they 



Theodorick Bland 205 

suppose that, by such Means, they could operate 
on the Fears of the civil power, or of the people 
at large — the impracticability as well as ill policy 
of such a mode of Conduct is easily discoverable by 
every sensible Intelligent officer. — The Tho't is 
reprobated as ridiculous and inadmissible. 

Tho' these are their Ideas on the particular Point 
you have mentioned, yet they have their Expecta- 
tions and they are of a very serious Nature and will 
require all the Attention and consideration of Con- 
gress to gratify them. These I will endeavor to 
explain with freedom and candor. 

In the first place, I fix it as an indispensible 
Measure, that previous to the Disbanding of the 
Army, all their accounts, should be compleatly 
liquidated and settled — and that every person shall 
be ascertained of the Ballance due to him; and it is 
equally essential, in my opinion, that this Settle- 
ment should be effected, with the Army in its 
collected Body, without any dispersion of the dif- 
ferent Lines to their respective States — for in this 
way the Accounts will be drawn into one view, 
properly digested upon one general system, and 
compared with a variety of circumstances, which 
will require References upon a much easier plan to 
be dispersed over all the States. The Settlements 
will be effected with greater ease, in less Time, and 
with much more oeconomy in this, than in a scat- 
tered situation. At the same Time jealousies will 
be removed, the minds of the Army will be im- 
pressed with greater Ease and Quiet, and they 
better prepared, with good opinions and proper 



2o6 George Washington 

Dispositions to fall back into the great Mass of 
Citizens — 

But after Settlement is formed, there remains 
another Circumstance of more importance still, and 
without which, it will be of little consequence to 
have the sums due them ascertained; that is, the 
Payment of some part of the Ballance. The Dis- 
tresses of Officers and Soldiers, are now driven to 
the extreme, and without this provision will not be 
lessened by the prospect of Dissolution. It is 
therefore universally expected that three months' 
pay at least, must be given them before they are 
disbanded — this Sum it is confidently imagined 
may be procured and is absolutely indispensable. 

They are the rather confirmed in a Belief of the 
practicability of obtaining it — as the pay of the 
Army, has formed great part of the Sum in the 
Estimates which have been made for the Expences 
of the War — and altho' this has been obliged to 
give way to more necessary Claims, yet when those 
Demands cease, as many will upon the Disbanding 
the Army — the Pay will then come into view, and 
have its equal claim to Notice. 

They will not however be unreasonable in this 
Expectation. If the whole cannot be obtained be- 
fore they are dispersed, the Receipt of one month 
in Hand, with an absolute assurance of having the 
other two months in a short Time, will be satis- 
factory — Should Mr. Morris not be able to assure 
them the two last Months from the Treasury, it is 
suggested that it may be obtained in the States, by 
Drafts from him upon their several Continental 



Theodorick Bland 207 

Receivers, to be collected by the Individual Officers 
and Soldiers, out of the last year's Arrears due 
from the several States apportionments, and for 
which Taxes have long since been assessed by the 
Legislatures — This mode, tho' troublesome to the 
officer, and perhaps inconvenient for the financier, 
yet from the Necessity of circumstances may be 
adopted, and might be a means of collecting more 
Taxes from the people than would in any other way 
be done. This is only hinted as an Expedient. 
The Financier will take his own measures. But I 
repeat it, as an indispensable point, that this Sum 
at least, must by some means be procured. — With- 
out this provision, it will be absolutely impossible 
for many to get from Camp, or to return to their 
friends — and driven to such necessities it is im- 
possible to foresee what may be the consequences 
of their not obtaining it. But the worst is to be 
apprehended. — A Credit, built by their Friends & 
such others as have been good eno' to supply their 
wants upon the Expectation of being refunded at 
the close of the War, out of the large Sums which 
by their Toils in the course of many Years hard Ser- 
vice, have become due to them from the public, has 
supported the greatest Number of them to the pres- 
ent Time — and that Debt now remains upon them. 
But to be disbanded at last, without this little pit- 
tance (which is necessary to quit Quarters) like a 
Sett of Beggars, Needy, distressed and without 
Prospect will not only blast the Expectations of 
their Creditors, and expose the officers to the ut- 
most Indignity and the worst of consequences; — 



2o8 George Washington 

but will drive every man of Honor and Sensibility 
to the extremest Horrors of Despair. On the other 
Hand to give them this Sum, however small in 
comparison of their Dues, yet, by fulfiling their 
Expectations, will sweeten their Tempers, cheer 
their hopes of the future — enable them to submit 
themselves 'till they can cast about for some future 
means of Business — it will gratify their pressing 
Creditors, and will throw the officer back with Ease 
and Confidence into the Bosom of this Country, 
and enable him to mix with cordiality and affection 
among the mass of useful, happy and contented 
Citizens — an object of the most desirable impor- 
tance. I cannot at this point of Distance, know 
the arrangements of the financier, what have been 
his anticipations, or what his prospects — but the 
necessity of fulfilling this Expectation of the Army 
affects me so exceeding forcibly, that I can not 
help dwelling upon it, nor is there in my present 
apprehensions a point of greater consequence or 
that requires more serious attention. Under this 
Impression I have thought, if a spirited, pointed, 
and well adapted Address was framed by Congress, 
and sent to the States on this Occasion, that Grati- 
tude, Justice, Honor, National Pride, and every 
Consideration, would operate upon them to strain 
every Nerve, and exert every endeavor to throw 
into the Public Treasury, a Sum equal to this Re- 
quisition — It cannot be denied, especially when they 
reflect, how small the Expectation is, compared 
with the large sum of arrears which is due — and 



Theodorick Bland 209 

tho' I know that Distinctions are commonly odious, 
and are looked upon with a jealous and envious 
Eye — yet it is impossible, that in this case, it can 
have this operation; for whatever the feelings of 
Individuals at large may be in contemplating on 
their own Demands — yet upon a candid Compari- 
son, every man, even the most interested, will be 
forced to yield to the superior merit and sufferings 
of the Soldier, who for a course of Years, has con- 
tributed his Services in the field, not only at the 
Expence of his fortune and former Employment, 
but at the Risque of Ease, domestic happiness, com- 
fort and even Life. After all these Considera- 
tions, how must he be struck with the mediocrity 
of his demand, when, instead of the Pay due him 
for four, five, perhaps six years hard earned Toil 
and Distress, he is content for the present with re- 
ceiving three months, only — and is willing to risque 
the Remainder upon the same Basis of Security, 
with the general mass of other public Creditors. — 
Another Expectation seems to have possessed 
the minds of the officers. That, as the objects above 
mentioned are not the only ones which must occupy 
the attention of Congress, in Connexion with the 
Army, it may probably be tho't advisable that Con- 
gress should send to the Army, a respectable, well- 
chosen, and well instructed Committee, of their 
own Body; with Hberal Power, to confer with the 
Army, to know their Sentiments, their Expecta- 
tions, their Distresses, their Necessities, and the 
Impossibility of their falling back from the Soldier 

14 



212 George Washington 

CIRCULAB LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNORS OF 
AEL THE STATES ON DISBANDING THE ARMY ^ 

Head-Quarters, Newburg, 8 June, 1783. 

Sir, 

The great object, for which I had the honor to 
hold an appointment in the service of my country, 
being accompHshed, I am now preparing to resign 
it into the hands of Congress, and to return to that 
domestic retirement, which, it is well known, I left 
with the greatest reluctance ; a retirement for which 
I have never ceased to sigh, through a long and 
painful absence, and in which (remote from the 
noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass 
the remainder of my life, in a state of undisturbed 
repose. But before I carry this resolution into 
effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make 
this my last official communication; to congratu- 
late you on the glorious events which Heaven has 

1 Throughout the war Washington had been impressed with 
the inadequacy of the powers of Congress. As he himself said, 
no one had suffered from the weakness of the government more 
than he. This weakness, however, was merely a reflection of the 
lack of a sense of unity among the people of the several States. 
While the war lasted, they were forced to hold together. But 
when that necessity was removed, Washington greatly feared 
that the States would fall apart. " The Constitution of Con- 
gress," he wrote, " must be competent to the general purposes 
of Government, and of such a nature as to bind us together. 
Otherwise we shall be like a rope of Sand, and as easily broken; 
and may in a short time, become the sport of European Poli- 
tics, even if we should be disposed to Peace among ourselves." — 
Washington to Tench Tilghman, 24 April, 1783. This was the 
feeling which prompted the Circular Letter to the Governors, — 
his final effort before retiring to private life to convince the 
States of the necessity of placing the Union upon a stable basis, 
which could only be accomplished, in his opinion, by enlarging 
the powers of Congress. 



Governors of All the States 213 

been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer my 
sentiments respecting some important subjects, 
which appear to me to be intimately connected with 
the tranquillity of the United States; to take my 
leave of your Excellency as a public character ; and 
to give my final blessing to that country, in whose 
service I have spent the prime of my life, for whose 
sake I have consumed so many anxious days and 
watchful nights, and whose happiness, being ex- 
tremely dear to me, will always constitute no in- 
considerable part of my own. 

Impressed with the Hveliest sensibility on this 
pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of 
dilating the more copiously on the subjects of our 
mutual felicitation. When we consider the magni- 
tude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful 
nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in 
which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest 
possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This 
is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every 
benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in 
contemplation be considered as the source of pres- 
ent enjoyment, or the parent of future happi- 
ness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate 
ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned 
us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or 
moral point of light. 

The citizens of America, placed in the most en- 
viable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors 
of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the 
various soils and climates of the world, and 
abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences 



214 George Washington 

of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacifica- 
tion, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute 
freedom and independency. They are, from this 
period, to be considered as the actors on a most con- 
spicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly de- 
signated by Providence for the display of human 
greatness and felicity. Here they are not only 
surrounded with every thing, which can contribute 
to the completion of private and domestic enjoy- 
ment; but Heaven has crowned all its other bless- 
ings, by giving a fairer opportunity for political 
happiness, than any other nation has ever been 
favored with. Nothing can illustrate these obser- 
vations more forcibly, than a recollection of the 
happy conjunctui'e of times and circumstances, un- 
der which our republic assumed its rank among the 
nations. The foundation of our empire was not 
laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and supersti- 
tion; but at an epoch when the rights of mankind 
were better understood and more clearly defined, 
than at any former period. The researches of the 
human mind after social happiness have been car- 
ried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge, 
acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and 
legislators, through a long succession of years, are 
laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom 
may be happily applied in the establishment of 
our forms of government. The free cultivation of 
letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the 
progressive refinement of manners, the growing 
liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and 
benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating 



Governors of All the States 215 

influence on mankind and increased the blessings of 
society. At this auspicious period, the United 
States came into existence as a nation ; and, if their 
citizens should not be completely free and happy, 
the fault will be entirely their own. 

Such is our situation, and such are our prospects ; 
but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus 
reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is 
ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion 
and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is 
an option still left to the United States of America, 
that it is in their choice, and depends upon their 
conduct, whether they will be respectable and 
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable, as a na- 
tion. This is the time of their political probation; 
this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world 
are turned upon them; this is the moment to estab- 
lish or ruin their national character for ever; this is 
the favorable moment to give such a tone to our 
federal government, as will enable it to answer the 
ends of its institution, or this may be the ill-fated 
moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, 
annihilating the cement of the confederation, and 
exposing us to become the sport of European poli- 
tics, which may play one State against another, to 
prevent their growing importance, and to serve their 
own interested purposes. For, according to the 
system of policy the States shall adopt at this mo- 
ment, they will stand or fall; and by their confir- 
mation or lapse it is yet to be decided, whether the 
revolution must ultimately be considered as a bless- 
ing or a curse; a blessing or a curse, not to the 



2i6 George Washington 

present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny 
of unborn millions be involved. 

With this conviction of the importance of the 
present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I 
will therefore speak to your Excellency the lan- 
guage of freedom and of sincerity without disguise. 
I am aware, however, that those who differ from 
me in political sentiment, may perhaps remark, I 
am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and 
may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, 
what I know is alone the result of the purest inten- 
tion. But the rectitude of my own heart, which 
disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have 
hitherto acted in life; the determination I have 
formed, of not taking any share in public business 
hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall con- 
tinue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private 
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise 
and liberal government, will, I flatter myself, 
sooner or later convince my countrymen, that I 
could have no sinister views in delivering, with so 
little reserve, the opinions contained in this address. 

There are four things, which, I humbly conceive, 
are essential to the well-being, I may even venture 
to say, to the existence of the United States, as an 
independent power. 

First. An indissoluble union of the States un- 
der one federal head. 

Secondly. A sacred regard to public justice. 

Thirdly. The adoption of a proper peace estab- 
lishment; and, 

jFourthly. The prevalence of that pacific and 



Governors of All the States 217 

friendly disposition among the people of the United 
States, which will induce them to forget their lo- 
cal prejudices and policies; to make those mutual 
concessions, which are requisite to the general 
prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice 
their individual advantages to the interest of the 
community. 

These are the pillars on which the glorious fab- 
ric of our independency and national character 
must be supported. Liberty is the basis ; and who- 
ever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn 
the structure, under whatever specious pretext he 
may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, 
and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted 
by his injured country. 

On the three first articles I will make a few 
observations, leaving the last to the good sense 
and serious consideration of those immediately 
concerned. 

Under the first head, although it may not be 
necessary or proper for me, in this place, to enter 
into a particular disquisition on the principles of 
the Union, and to take up the great question which 
has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedi- 
ent and requisite for the States to delegate a larger 
proportion of power to Congress, or not; yet it 
will be a part of my duty, and that of every true 
patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist 
upon, the following positions. That, unless the 
States will suffer Congress to exercise those pre- 
rogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by 
the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend 



2i8 George Washington 

to anarchy and confusion. That it is indispensa- 
ble to the happiness of the individual States, that 
there should be lodged somewhere a supreme 
power to regulate and govern the general concerns 
of the confederated republic, without which the 
Union cannot be of long duration. That there 
must be a faithful and pointed compliance, on the 
part of every State, with the late proposals and de- 
mands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences 
will ensue. That whatever measures have a tend- 
ency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate 
or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be con- 
sidered as hostile to the liberty and independency 
of America, and the authors of them treated 
accordingly. And lastly, that unless we can be en- 
abled, by the concurrence of the States, to partici- 
pate of the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the 
essential benefits of civil society, under a form of 
government so free and uncorrupted, so happily 
guarded against the danger of oppression, as has 
been devised and adopted by the articles of con- 
federation, it will be a subject of regret, that so 
much blood and treasure have been lavished for no 
purpose, that so many sufferings have been en- 
countered without a compensation, and that so 
many sacrifices have been made in vain. 

Many other considerations might here be adduced 
to prove, that, without an entire conformity to the 
spirit of the Union, we cannot exist as an indepen- 
dent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to 
mention but one or two, which seem to me of the 
greatest importance. It is only in our united 



Governors of All the States 219 

character, as an empire, that our independence is 
acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or 
our credit supported, among foreign nations. The 
treaties of the European powers with the United 
States of America will have no validity on a disso- 
lution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a 
state of nature; or we may find, by our own un- 
happy experience, that there is a natural and 
necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy 
to the extreme of tyranny, and that arbitrary power 
is most easily established on the ruins of liberty, 
abused to licentiousness. 

As to the second article, which respects the per- 
formance of public justice, Congress have, in their 
late address to the United States, almost exhausted 
the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, 
and have enforced the obligations the States are 
under, to render complete justice to all the pubUc 
creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in 
my opinion, no real friend to the honor or inde- 
pendency of America can hesitate a single moment, 
respecting the propriety of complying with the 
just and honorable measures proposed. If their 
arguments do not produce conviction, I know of 
nothing that will have greater influence: especially 
when we recollect, that the system referred to, be- 
ing the result of the collected wisdom of the con- 
tinent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly 
the least objectionable of any that could be devised; 
and that, if it shall not be carried into immediate 
execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its de- 
plorable consequences, will take place, before any 



220 George Washington 

different plan can possibly be proposed and 
adopted. So pressing are the present circum- 
stances, and such is the alternative now offered to 
the States. 

The ability of the country to discharge the debts, 
which have been incurred in its defence, is not to 
be doubted ; an inclination, I flatter myself, will not 
be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before 
us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to 
be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as 
a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts, 
which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make 
for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the 
same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to 
perform our private engagements. In the mean 
time, let an attention to the cheerful performance 
of their proper business, as individuals and as mem- 
bers of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citi- 
zens of America; then will they strengthen the 
hands of government, and be happy under its pro- 
tection; every one will reap the fruit of his labors, 
every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without 
molestation and without danger. 

In this state of absolute freedom and perfect se- 
curity, who will grudge to yield a very little of his 
property to support the common interest of so- 
ciety, and insure the protection of government? 
Who does not remember the frequent declarations, 
at the commencement of the war, that we should be 
completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one half, 
we could defend the remainder of our possessions? 
Where is the man to be found, who wishes to re- 



Governors of All the States 221 

main indebted for the defence of his own person 
and property to the exertions, the bravery, and the 
blood of others, without making one generous 
effort to repay the debt of honor and gratitude? 
In what part of the continent shall we find any 
man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand 
up and propose measures purposely calculated to 
rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public credi- 
tor of his due? And were it possible, that such a 
flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, 
would it not excite the general indignation, and 
tend to bring down upon the authors of such meas- 
ures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven ? If, after 
all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy 
and perverseness should manifest itself in any of 
the States ; if such an ungracious disposition should 
attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that 
might be expected to flow from the Union ; if there 
should be a refusal to comply with the requisition 
for funds to discharge the annual interest of the 
public debts ; and if that refusal should revive again 
all those jealousies, and produce all those evils, 
which are now happily removed, Congress, who 
have, in all their transactions, shown a great degree 
of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in 
the sight of God and man; and the State alone, 
which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate 
wisdom of the continent, and follows such mis- 
taken and pernicious counsels, will be responsible 
for all the consequences. 

For my own part, conscious of having acted, 
while a servant of the public, in the manner I con- 



222 George Washington 

ceived best suited to promote the real interests of 
my country; having, in consequence of my fixed 
belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, 
that their country would finally do them complete 
and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal any 
instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the 
world, I have thought proper to transmit to your 
Excellency the enclosed collection of papers, rela- 
tive to the half-pay and commutation granted by 
Congress to the officers of the army. From these 
communications, my decided sentiments will be 
clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive 
reasons which induced me, at an early period, to 
recommend the adoption of this measure, in the 
most earnest and serious manner. As the pro- 
ceedings of Congress, the army, and myself, are 
open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient 
information to remove the prejudices and errors, 
which may have been entertained by any, I think it 
unnecessary to say any thing more than just to 
observe, that the resolutions of Congress, now 
alluded to, are undoubtedly as absolutely binding 
upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of 
confederation or legislation. 

As to the idea, which, I am informed, has in some 
instances prevailed, that the half-pay and commu- 
tation are to be regarded merely in the odious light 
of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever. 
That provision should be viewed, as it really was, 
a reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at 
a time when they had nothing else to give to the 
officers of the army for services then to be per- 



Governors of All the States 223 

formed. It was the only means to prevent a total 
dereliction of the service. It was a part of their 
hire. I may be allowed to say, it was the price of 
their blood, and of your independency; it is there- 
fore more than a common debt, it is a debt of honor ; 
it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity, 
nor be cancelled until it is fairly discharged. 

With regard to a distinction between officers and 
soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience 
of every nation of the world, combined with our 
own, proves the utility and propriety of the dis- 
crimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aids 
the public derives from them, are unquestionably 
due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers 
have perhaps generally had as ample a compensa- 
tion for their services, by the large bounties which 
have been paid to them, as their officers will receive 
in the proposed commutation; in others, if, besides 
the donation of lands, the payment of arrear- 
ages of clothing and wages (in which articles all 
the component parts of the army must be put upon 
the same footing), we take into the estimate the 
douceurs many of the soldiers have received, and 
the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is prom- 
ised to all, possibly their situation (every circum- 
stance being duly considered) will not be deemed 
less eligible than that of the officers. Should a 
further reward, however, be judged equitable, I 
will venture to assert, no one will enjoy greater 
satisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption 
from taxes for a limited time, (which has been 
petitioned for in some instances,) or any other 



224 George Washington 

adequate immunity or compensation granted to the 
brave defenders of their country's cause ; but neither 
the adoption or rejection of this proposition will in 
any manner affect, much less militate against, the 
act of Congress, by which they have offered five 
years' full pay, in lieu of the half -pay for life, 
which had been before promised to the officers of 
the army. 

Before I conclude the subject of public justice, 
I cannot omit to mention the obligations this 
comitry is under to that meritorious class of vet- 
eran non-commissioned officers and privates, who 
have been discharged for inability, in consequence 
of the resolution of Congress of the 23d of April, 
1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar 
sufferings, their singular merits, and claims to that 
provision, need only be known, to interest all the 
feelings of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but 
a punctual payment of their annual allowance can 
rescue them from the most complicated misery; 
and nothing could be a more melancholy and dis- 
tressing sight, than to behold those, who have shed 
their blood or lost their limbs in the service of their 
country, without a shelter, without a friend, and 
without the means of obtaining any of the neces- 
saries or comforts of life, compelled to beg their 
daily bread from door to door. Suffer me to rec- 
ommend those of this description, belonging to 
your State, to the warmest patronage of your Ex- 
cellency and your legislature. 

It is necessary to say but a few words on the third 
topic which was proposed, and which regards par- 



\ 

Governors of All the States 225 

ticularly the defence of the repubhc; as there can 
be httle doubt but Congress will recommend a 
proper peace establishment for the United States, 
in which a due attention will be paid to the impor- 
tance of placing the militia of the Union upon a 
regular and respectable footing. If this should be 
the case, I would beg leave to urge the great ad- 
vantage of it in the strongest terms. The militia 
of this country must be considered as the palladium 
of our security, and the first effectual resort in 
case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the 
same system should pervade the whole; that the 
formation and discipline of the mihtia of the conti- 
nent should be absolutely uniform, and that the same 
species of arms, accoutrements, and military ap- 
paratus, should be introduced in every part of the 
United States. No one, who has not learned it 
from experience, can conceive the difficulty, ex- 
pense, and confusion, which result from a contrary 
system, or the vague arrangements which have 
hitherto prevailed. 

If, in treating of political points, a greater lati- 
tude than usual has been taken in the course of this 
address, the importance of the crisis, and the mag- 
nitude of the objects in discussion, must be my 
apology. It is, however, neither my wish or ex- 
pectation, that the preceding observations should 
claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear 
to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the 
immutable rules of justice, calculated to produce a 
liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever 
experience may have been acquired by a long and 

IS 



2 26 George Washington 

close attention to public business. Here I might 
speak with the more confidence, from my actual 
observations; and, if it would not swell this letter 
(already too prolix) beyond the bounds I had pre- 
scribed to myself, I could demonstrate to every 
mind open to conviction, that in less time, and with 
much less expense, than has been incurred, the war 
might have been brought to the same happy con- 
clusion, if the resources of the continent could have 
been properly drawn forth; that the distresses and 
disappointments, which have very often occurred, 
have, in too many instances, resulted more from a 
want of energy in the Continental government, 
than a deficiency of means in the particular States ; 
that the inefficacy of measures arising from the 
want of an adequate authority in the supreme 
power, from a partial compliance with the requisi- 
tions of Congress in some of the States, and from 
a failure of punctuality in others, while it tended 
to damp the zeal of those, which were more willing 
to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the 
expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best 
concerted plans; and that the discouragement oc- 
casioned by the complicated difficulties and embar- 
rassments, in which our affairs were by this means 
involved, would have long ago produced the disso- 
lution of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and 
less persevering, than that which I have had the 
honor to command. But, while I mention these 
things, which are notorious facts, as the defects of 
our federal constitution, particularly in the prose- 



Governors of All the States 227 

cution of a war, I beg it may be understood, that, as 
I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknow- 
ledging the assistance and support I have derived 
from every class of citizens, so shall I always be 
happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions 
of the individual States on many interesting 
occasions. 

I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to 
make known, before I surrendered up my public 
trust to those who committed it to me. The task 
is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your 
Excellency as the chief magistrate of your State, 
at the same time I bid a last farewell to the cares 
of office, and all the employments of public life. 

It remains, then, to be my final and only request, 
that your Excellency will communicate these sen- 
timents to your legislature at their next meeting, 
and that they may be considered as the legacy of 
one, who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to 
be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade 
of retirement, will not fail to implore the Divine 
benediction upon it. 

I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would 
have you, and the State over which you preside, in 
his holy protection ; that he would incline the hearts 
of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination 
and obedience to government; to entertain a 
brotherly affection and love for one another, for 
their fellow citizens of the United States at large, 
and particularly for their brethren who have served 
in the field; and finally, that he would most gra- 



228 George Washington 

ciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to 
love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that 
charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which 
were the characteristics of the Divine Author of 
our blessed religion, and without an humble imita- 
tion of whose example in these things, we can 
never hope to be a happy nation. 

I have the honor to be, with much esteem and re- 
spect, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and 
most humble servant.^ 



1 Washington's letter produced a marked effect. In Virginia 
the legislature was in session discussing the impost law which 
it had once accepted and afterward rejected. See p. 181, note. 
On June 11th, it again declined to give Congress the power to 
lay an impost. Shortly afterward, " the arrival of Gen. 
Washington's letter excited this hope [that the impost law would 
be adopted] in the minds of the sanguine; but its effect is mo- 
mentary; and perhaps it will hereafter be accepted by the 
assembly with disgust. For the murmur is free and general 
against what is called the unsolicited obtrusion of his advice." 
— Randolph to Madison, 28 June, 1783, cited in Ford. But 
Randolph proved a false prophet. After Washington's letter 
was read, the legislature ordered a bill granting the impost to 
be reported, and it was finally passed by a unanimous vote. 
In Pennsylvania, the legislature thanked him for " the inesti- 
mable legacy bequeathed to his country." That of Maryland 
said : " By your letter you have taught us how to value, preserve, 
and improve that liberty which your services under the smiles 
of Providence have secured. If the powers given to Congress 
by the Confederation should be found incompetent to the pur- 
poses of the Union, our constituents will readily consent to 
enlarge them." Jefferson described the letter as " deservedly 
applauded by the world." Governor Hancock in Massachusetts 
and Governor Clinton in New York appealed to it when address- 
ing their legislatures in behalf of a stronger union, while the 
President of Congress ordered it sent to our diplomatic repre- 
sentatives in Europe as an evidence of Washington's " inimitable 
character." 



Farewell Orders to the Armies 229 

FAREWELL ORDERS TO THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED 

STATES ^ 

Rocky Hill, near Princeton, 
[Sunday] 2 November 1783. 

The United States in Congress assembled, after 
giving the most honorable testimony to the merits 
of the federal armies, and presenting them with 
the thanks of their country for their long, eminent 
and faithful services, having thought proper, by 
their proclamation bearing date the 18th day of 
October last, to discharge such part of the troops 
as were engaged for the war, and to permit the 
officers on furlough to retire from service from 
and after to-morrow; which proclamation having 
been communicated in the public papers for the in- 
formation and government of all concerned, it only 
remains for the Commander-in-chief to address 
himself once more, and that for the last time, to the 
armies of the United States (however widely dis- 
persed the individuals who compose them may be) , 
and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell. 

But before the Commander-in-chief takes his 
final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes 
to indulge himself a few moments in calling to 
mind a slight review of the past. He will then take 
the liberty of exploring with his military friends 
their future prospects, of advising the general line 

1 By a series of resolutions beginning on May 26, 1783, Con- 
gress had directed the Commander-in-chief to grant furloughs 
to the troops under his command. By a resolution adopted 
October 18, 1783, it was ordered that all troops who were en- 
gaged to serve during the war and who were then on furlough 
should on November 3d following be given a full discharge. 



230 George Washington 

of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought to be pur- 
sued; and he will conclude the address by express- 
ing the obligations he feels himself under for the 
spirited and able assistance he has experienced from 
them, in the performance of an arduous office. 

A contemplation of the complete attainment (at 
a period earlier than could have been expected) of 
the object, for which we contended against so 
formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with as- 
tonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous 
circumstances on our part, under which the war 
was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The 
singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble 
condition were such, as could scarcely escape the 
attention of the most unobserving; while the un- 
paralleled perseverance of the armies of the United 
States, through almost every possible suffering and 
discouragement for the space of eight long years, 
was little short of a standing miracle. 

It is not the meaning nor within the compass of 
this address, to detail the hardships peculiarly in- 
cident to our service, or to describe the distresses, 
which in several instances have resulted from the 
extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with 
the rigors of an inclement season; nor is it neces- 
sary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. 
Every American officer and soldier must now 
console himself for any unpleasant circumstances, 
which may have occurred, by a recollection of the 
uncommon scenes in which he has been called to 
act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events 
of which he has been a witness; events which have 



Farewell Orders to the Armies 231 

seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of 
human action; nor can they probably ever happen 
again. For who has before seen a disciplined army 
formed at once from such raw materials? Who, 
that was not a witness, could imagine, that the 
most violent local prejudices would cease so soon; 
and that men, who came from the different parts of 
the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of 
education to despise and quarrel with each other, 
would instantly become but one patriotic band of 
brothers? Or who, that was not on the spot, can 
trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolu- 
tion has been effected, and such a glorious period 
put to all our warlike toils? 

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged 
prospects of happiness, opened b}^ the confirmation 
of our independence and sovereignty, almost ex- 
ceeds the power of description. And shall not the 
brave men, who have contributed so essentially to 
these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious 
from the field of war to the field of agriculture, par- 
ticipate in all the blessings, which have been ob- 
tained? In such a republic, who will exclude them 
from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their 
labors? In such a country, so happily circum- 
stanced, the pursuits of commerce and the culti- 
vation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain 
road to competence. To those hardy soldiers, who 
are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries 
will afford ample and profitable employment; and 
the extensive and fertile regions of the West will 
yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of 



232 George Washington 

domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal in- 
dependence. Nor is it possible to conceive, that 
any one of the United States will prefer a national 
bankruptcy, and a dissolution of the Union, to a 
compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and 
the payment of its just debts; so that the officers 
and soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in 
recommencing their civil occupations, from the 
sums due to them from the public, which must and 
will most inevitably be paid. 

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to 
remove the prejudices, which may have taken 
posession of the minds of any of the good people 
of the States, it is earnestly recommended to all 
the troops, that, with strong attachments to the 
Union, they should carry with them into civil so- 
ciety the most conciliating dispositions, and that 
they should prove themselves not less virtuous and 
useful as citizens, than they have been persevering 
and victorious as soldiers. What though there 
should be some envious individuals, who are un- 
willing to pay the debt the public has contracted, 
or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet let such 
unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any 
instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be remem- 
bered, that the unbiassed voice of the free citizens 
of the United States has promised the just reward 
and given the merited applause. Let it be known 
and remembered, that the reputation of the federal 
armies is established beyond the reach of malevo- 
lence ; and let a consciousness of their achievements 
and fame still incite the men, who composed them. 



Farewell Orders to the Armies 233 

to honorable actions ; under the persuasion that the 
private virtues of economy, prudence, and indus- 
try, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the 
more splendid quahties of valor, perseverance, and 
enterprise were in the field. Every one may rest 
assured, that much, very much, of the future hap- 
piness of the officers and men, will depend upon the 
wise and manly conduct, which shall be adopted by 
them when they are mingled with the great body of 
the community. And, although the General has 
so frequently given it as his opinion in the most 
public and explicit manner, that, unless the princi- 
ples of the Federal Government were properly sup- 
ported, and the powers of the Union increased, the 
honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be 
lost forever; yet he cannot help repeating, on this 
occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it 
as his last injunction to every officer and every 
soldier, who may view the subject in the same seri- 
ous point of light, to add his best endeavors to those 
of his worthy fellow citizens towards effecting 
these great and valuable purposes, on which our 
very existence as a nation so materially depends. 

The Commander-in-chief conceives little is now 
wanting, to enable the soldier, to change the mili- 
tary character into that of the citizen, but that 
steady and decent tenor of behavior, which has 
generally distinguished, not only the army under 
his immediate command, but the different detach- 
ments and separate armies, through the course of 
the war. From their good sense and prudence he 
anticipates the happiest consequences; and, while 



234 George Washington 

he congratulates them on the glorious occasion, 
which renders their services in the field no longer 
necessary, he wishes to express the strong obliga- 
tions he feels liimself under for the assistance he 
has received from every class and in every instance. 
He presents his thanks in the most serious and af- 
fectionate manner to the general officers, as well 
for their counsel on many interesting occasions, as 
for their ardor in promoting the success of the 
plans he had adopted ; to the commandants of regi- 
ments and corps, and to the other officers, for their 
great zeal and attention in carrying his orders 
promptly into execution; to the staff, for their 
alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of 
their several departments; and to the non-com- 
missioned officers and private soldiers, for their ex- 
traordinary patience and suffering, as well as their 
invincible fortitude in action. To the various 
branches of the army, the General takes this last 
and solemn opportunity of professing his invio- 
lable attachment and friendship. He wishes more 
than bare professions were in his power; that he 
were really able to be useful to them all in future 
life. He flatters himself, however, they will do 
him the justice to believe, that whatever could with 
propriety be attempted by him has been done. 

And being now to conclude these his last public 
orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of 
the military character, and to bid a final adieu to 
the armies he has so long had the honor to com- 
mand, he can only again offer in their behalf his 
recommendations to their grateful country, and his 



President of Congress 235 

prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice 
be done them here, and may the choicest of Heav- 
en's favors, both here and hereafter, attend those, 
who, under the Divine auspices, have secured in- 
numerable blessings for others. With these wishes 
and this benediction, the Commander-in-chief is 
about to retire from service. The curtain of sep- 
aration will soon be drawn, and the military scene 
to him will be closed for ever. 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 

Annapolis, 20 December, 1783. 

Sir, 

I take the earliest opportunity to inform Con- 
gress of my arrival in this city, with the intention 
of asking leave to resign the commission I have the 
honor of holding in their service. It is essential 
for me to know their pleasure, and in what man- 
ner it will be most proper to offer my resignation, 
whether in writing, or at an audience. I shall 
therefore request to be honored with the necessary 
information, that, being apprized of the sentiments 
of Congress, I may regulate my conduct accord- 
ingly. I have the honor to be, &c.^ 

1 A committee, composed of Jefferson, Gerry, and McHenry, 
prepared the following report, which was adopted by Congress: 

" Resolved That the order for the public audience of General 
Washington be as follows: 

" 1. The President and members are to be seated and cov- 
ered and the Secy, to be standing by the side of the president. 

" 2. The arrival of the general is to be announced by the 
Messenger to the Secy. — who is thereupon to introduce the gen- 
eral attended by his Aids to the hall of Congress. 

" S. The general being conducted to a chair by the Secy, is to 



236 George Washington 

TO BARON STEUBEN 

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783. 
]My dear Baron, 

Although I have taken frequent opportunities, 
both in pubhc and private, of acknowledging your 
great zeal, attention, and abilities, in performing 
the duties of your office ; yet I wish to make use of 
this last moment of my public life to signify, in 
the strongest terms, my entire approbation of your 
conduct, and to express my sense of the obliga- 
tions the public is under to you, for your faithful 
and meritorious services. 

I beg you will be convinced, my dear Sir, that I 
should rejoice if it could ever be in my power to 
serve you more essentially, than by expressions of 
regard and affection; but, in the mean time, I am 
persuaded you will not be displeased with this fare- 
be seated with an Aid on each side standing and the Secy, is 
to resume his place. 

" 4. After a proper time for the arrangement of spectators 
silence is to be ordered by the Secy. — if necessary and the presi- 
dent is to address the general in the following words: 

" ' Sir, The United States in Congress assembled are prepared 
to receive your communications.' 

" Where upon the general is to arise and address Congress, 
after which he is to deliver his Commission and a copy of his 
address to the president. 

" 5. The general having resumed his place the President is 
to deliver the answer of Congress which the general is to re- 
ceive standing. 

" 6. The President having finished, the Secy, is to deliver 
the general a copy of the answer and the general is then to take 
his leave. 

" When the general rises to make his address and also when 
he retires he is to bow to Congress, which they are to return 
by uncovering without bowing. 22 December, 1783." — Sparks. 



Address to Congress 237 

well token of my sincere friendship and esteem for 
you. 

This is the last letter I shall write, while I con- 
tinue in the service of my country. The hour of 
my resignation is fixed at twelve to day; after 
which, I shall become a private citizen on the banks 
of the Potomac, where I shall be glad to embrace 
you, and testify the great esteem and considera- 
tion with which I am, my dear Baron, &c. 



GENERAL WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON 
RESIGNING HIS COMMISSION ^ 

Annapolis, 23 December, 1783. 

Mr. President, 

The great events, on which my resignation de- 
pended, having at length taken place, I have now 
the honor of offering my sincere congratulations 
to Congress, and of presenting myself before 
them, to surrender into their hands the trust com- 
mitted to me, and to claim the indulgence of retir- 
ing from the Service of my Country. 

Happy in the confirmation of our Independence 
and Sovereignty, and pleased with the opportu- 
nity afforded the United States of becoming a re- 
spectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the 
appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence 
in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, 
which, however, was superseded by a confidence in 
the rectitude of our cause, the support of the 

1 The original manuscript of this address in Washington's 
own writing is in the library of the Maryland Historical Society. 



238 George Washington 

supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage 
of Heaven. 

The successful termination of the war has veri- 
fied the most sanguine expectations ; and my grati- 
tude for the interposition of Providence, and the 
assistance I have received from my Countrymen, 
encreases with every review of the momentous 
contest. 

While I repeat my obligations to the Army in 
general, I should do injustice to my own feelings 
not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar ser- 
vices and distinguished merits of the Gentlemen, 
who have been attached to my person during the 
war. It was impossible that the choice of confiden- 
tial officers to compose my family should have been 
more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to recommend in 
particular those, who have continued in Service to 
the present moment, as worthy of the favorable 
notice and patronage of Congress. 

I consider it an indispensable duty to close this 
last solemn act of my official life, by commending 
the Interests of our dearest country to the protec- 
tion of Almighty God, and those who have the 
superintendence of them to his holy keeping. 

Having now finished the work assigned me, I re- 
tire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding 
an affectionate farewell to this august body, under 
whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my 
commission, and take my leave of all the employ- 
ments of pubhc life. 



Ill 

The Formation and Adoption of the 
Constitution 

No nobler figure ever stood in 
the forefront of a nation's life. 

John Richard Green. 



Ill 

The Formation and Adoption of the 
Constitution 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS 

Newburg, 31 March, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

I have duly received your favors of the 17th and 
24th ultimo. I rejoice most exceedingly that there 
is an end to our warfare, and that such a field is 
opening to our view, as will, with wisdom to direct 
the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, 
and happy people; but it must be improved by 
other means than State politics, and unreasonable 
jealousies and prejudices, or (it requires not the 
second sight to see that) we shall be instruments 
in the hands of our enemies, and those European 
powers, who may be jealous of our greatness in 
union, to dissolve the confederation. But, to ob- 
tain this, although the way seems extremely plain, 
is not so easy. 

My wish to see the union of these States estab- 
lished upon liberal and permanent principles, and 
inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out 

16 241 



242 George Washington 

the defects of the present constitution, are equally 
great. All my private letters have teemed with 
these sentiments, and, whenever this topic has been 
the subject of conversation, I have endeavored to 
diffuse and enforce them; but how far any further 
essay by me might be productive of the wished-for 
end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to 
me, depends so much upon popular opinions, and 
the temper and dispositions of the people, that it 
is not easy to decide. I shall be obliged to you, 
however, for the thoughts, which you promised me 
on this subject, and as soon as you can make it 
convenient. 

No man in the United States is or can be more 
deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in 
our present confederation than myself. No man 
perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly ; 
for to the defects thereof, and want of powers in 
Congress, may justly be ascribed the prolongation 
of the war, and consequently the expenses oc- 
casioned by it. More than half the perplexities I 
have experienced in the course of my command, and 
almost the whole of the difficulties and distress 
of the army, have their origin here. But still, 
the prejudices of some, the designs of others, 
and the mere machinery of the majority, make ad- 
dress and management necessary to give weight 
to opinions, which are to combat the doctrines of 
those different classes of men in the field of 
politics. 

I would have been more full on this subject, but 
the bearer (in the clothing department) is waiting. 



Marquis de Lafayette 243 

I wish you may understand what I have written. I 
am, etc.^ * * * 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Head-Qas., Newburg, 5 April, 1783, 

My dear JVIarqs., 

* * * We stand, now, an Independent People, 
and have yet to learn political Tactics. We are 
placed among the nations of the Earth, and have 
a character to establish; but how we shall acquit 
ourselves, time must discover. The probability (at 
least I fear it), is that local or State politics will 
interfere too much with the more liberal and exten- 
sive plan of government, which wisdom and fore- 
sight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would 
dictate; and that we shall be guilty of many blun- 
ders in treading this boundless theatre, before we 
shall have arrived at any perfection in this art; in a 
word, that the experience, which is purchased at the 
price of difficulties and distress, will alone convince 
us that the honor, power, and true Interest of this 
Country must be measured by a Continental scale, 
and that every departure therefrom weakens the 
Union, and may ultimately break the band that 
holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a 
Constitution, that will give consistency, stability, 

1 " It remains only for the States to be wise, and to establish 
their independence on the basis of an inviolable, efficacious union, 
and a firm confederation, which may prevent their being made 
the sport of European policy. May heaven give them wisdom 
to adopt the measures still necessary for this important pur- 
poser"'r~Wqshington to MajoT'General Greene, 31 March, 1783, 



244 George Washington 

and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to 
the great Council of the nation for general pur- 
poses, is a duty which is incumbent upon every 
man, who wishes well to his Country, and will meet 
with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the 
private walks of life: for hence forward my mind 
shall be unbent and I will endeavor to glide gently 
down the stream of life till I come to that abyss 

from whence no traveller is permitted to return. 
* * * 



TO DR. WILLIAM GORDON 

Head Quarters, Newburg, 
8 July, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * It now rests with the Confederated 
Powers, by the line of conduct they mean to adopt, 
to make this Country great, happy, and respect- 
able; or to sink it into littleness — worse perhaps — 
into Anarchy and confusion; for certain I am, that 
unless adequate Powers are given to Congress for 
the general purposes of the Federal Union, that 
we shall soon moulder into dust and become con- 
temptible in the eyes of Europe, if we are not made 
the sport of their Politicks. To suppose that the 
general concerns of this Country can be directed 
by thirteen heads, or one head without competent 
powers, is a solecism, the bad effects of which every 
man who has had the practical knowledge to judge 
from, that I have, is fully convinced of; tho' none 
perhaps has felt them in so forcible and distressing 



Dr. William Gordon 245 

a degree. The People at large, and at a distance 
from the theatre of action, who only know that the 
machine was kept in motion, and that they are at 
last arrived at the first object of their wishes, are 
satisfied with the event, without investigating the 
causes of the slow progress to it, or of the expences 
which have accrued, and which they have been un- 
willing to pay — great part of which has arisen from 
that want of energy in the Federal Constitution, 
which I am complaining of, and which I wish to 
see given to it by a Convention of the People, in- 
stead of hearing it remarked that, as we have 
worked through an arduous contest with the pow- 
ers Congress already have (but which, by the by, 
have been gradually diminishing,) why should they 
be invested with more? 

To say nothing of the invisible workings of 
Providence, which has conducted us through diffi- 
culties where no human foresight could point the 
way; it will appear evident to a close examiner, 
that there has been a concatenation of causes to 
produce this event; which in all probability, at no 
time, or under any other circumstances, will com- 
bine again — We deceive ourselves therefore bj^ the 
mode of reasoning, and, what would be much worse, 
we may bring ruin upon ourselves by attempting 
to carry it into practice. 

We are known by no other character among na- 
tions than as the United States — Massachusetts or 
Virginia is no better defined, nor any more thought 
of by Foreign Powers than the County of 
Worcester in Massachusetts is by Virginia, or 



246 George Washington 

Gloucester County in Virginia is by Massachusetts, 
(respectable as they are) ; and yet these counties 
with as much propriety might oppose themselves 
to the Laws of the State in which they are, as an 
Individual State can oppose itself to the Federal 
Government, by which it is, or ought to be bound. 
Each of these counties has, no doubt, its local 
polity and Interests. These should be attended 
to, and brought before their respective legislatures 
with all the force their importance merits; but 
when they come in contact with the general Inter- 
est of the State, when superior considerations pre- 
ponderate in favor of the whole, their voices should 
be heard no more. So should it be with individual 
States when compared to the Union, otherwise I 
think it may properly be asked for what purpose 
do we farcically pretend to be United? Why do 
Congress spend months together in deliberating 
upon, debating, and digesting plans, which are 
made as palatable, and as wholesome to the Con- 
stitution of this country as the nature of things 
will admit of, when some States will pay no atten- 
tion to them, and others regard them but partially ; 
by which means all those evils which proceed from 
delay, are felt by the whole; while the compliant 
States are not only suffering by these neglects, but 
in many instances are injured most capitally by 
their own exertions; which are wasted for want of 
the united effort. A hundred thousand men, com- 
ing one after another, cannot move a Ton weight; 
but the united strength of 50 would transport it 
with ease. So has it been with great part of the 



Dr. William Gordon 247 

expence which has been incurred [in] this War. In 
a word, I think the blood and treasure, which has 
been spent in it, has been lavished to little purpose, 
unless we can be better cemented; and that is not 
to be effected while so little attention is paid to the 
recommendations of the Sovereign Power. 

To me it would seem not more absurd, to hear a 
traveller, who was setting out on a long journey, 
declare he would take no money in his pocket to 
defray the Expences of it, but rather depend upon 
Chance and Charity, lest he should misapply it — 
than are the expressions of so much fear of the 
powers and means of Congress. 

For Heaven's sake, who are Congress? are they 
not the creatures of the People, amenable to them 
for their conduct, and dependent from day to day 
on their breath? Where then can be the danger of 
giving them such Powers as are adequate to the 
great ends of Government, and to all the general 
purposes of the Confederation (I repeat the word 
general, because I am no advocate for their having 
to do with the particular policy of any state, further 
than it concerns the Union at large) ? What may 
be the consequences if they have not these Powers, 
I am at no loss to guess; and deprecate the w^orst; 
for sure I am, we shall, in a little time become as 
contemptible in the great scale of Politicks, as we 
now have it in our power to be respectable. And 
that, when the band of Union gets once broken, 
every thing ruinous to our future prospects is to 
be apprehended. The best that can come of it, 
in my humble opinion is, that we shall sink into 



248 George Washington 

obscurity, unless our Civil broils should keep us 
in remembrance and fill the page of history with 
the direful consequences of them. 

You say that. Congress loose time by pressing 
a mode that does not accord with the genius of the 
People, and will thereby, endanger the Union, and 
that it is the quantum they want. Permit me to 
ask if the quantum has not already been de- 
manded? Whether it has been obtained? and 
whence proceeds the accumulated evils, and poig- 
nant distresses of many of the public Creditors 
— particularly in the Army? For my own part I 
hesitate not a moment to confess, that I see nothing 
wherein the Union is endangered by the late 
requisition of that body, but a prospect of much 
good, justice, and prosperity from the compliance 
with it. I know of no tax more convenient, none 
so agreeable, as that which every man may pay, — 
or let it alone, as his convenience, abihties, or In- 
clination shall prompt. I am therefore a warm 
friend to the impost. * * * 



TO BENJAMIN HARRISON^ GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

Mount Vernon, 18 January, 1784. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * That the prospect before us is, as you 
justly observe, fair, none can deny; but what use 
we shall make of it is exceedingly problematical; 
not but that I believe all things will come right at 
last, but like a young heir, come a little prematurely 
to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run 



Benjamin Harrison 249 

riot until we have brought our reputation to the 
brink of ruin, and then like him shall have to labor 
with the current of opinion, when compelled per- 
haps to do what prudence and common policy 
pointed out, as plain as any problem in Euclid, in 
the first instance. 

The disinclination of the individual States to 
yield competent powers to Congress for the federal 
government, their unreasonable jealousy of that 
body and of one another, and the disposition, which 
seems to pervade each, of being all-wise and all- 
powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change 
in the system, be our downfall as a nation. This is 
as clear to me as the A, B, C ; and I think we have 
opposed Great Britain, and have arrived at the 
present state of peace and independency, to very 
little purpose, if we cannot conquer our own pre- 
judices. The powers of Europe begin to see this, 
and our newly acquired friends, the British, are 
already and professedly acting upon this ground; 
and wisely too, if we are determined to persevere 
in our folly. They know that individual opposi- 
tion to their measures is futile, and boast that we 
are not sufficiently united as a nation to give a 
general one! Is not the indignity alone of this 
declaration, while we are in the very act of peace- 
making and conciliation, sufficient to stimulate us 
to vest more extensive and adequate powers in the 
sovereign of these United States? 

For my own part, although I am returned to, 
and am now mingled with, the class of private 
citizens, and like them must suffer all the evils of 



250 George Washington 

a tyranny, or of too great an extension of federal 
powers, I have no fears arising from this source, 
in my mind; but I have many, and powerful ones 
indeed, which predict the worst consequences, from 
a half -starved, limping government, that appears 
to be always moving upon crutches, and tottering 
at every step. Men chosen as the delegates in 
Congress are, cannot officially be dangerous. They 
depend upon the breath, nay, they are so much the 
creatures of the people, under the present consti- 
tution, that they can have no views, (which could 
possibly be carried into execution,) nor any inter- 
ests distinct from those of their constituents. My 
political creed, therefore, is, to be wise in the choice 
of delegates, support them like gentlemen while 
they are our representatives, give them competent 
powers for all federal purposes, support them in 
the due exercise thereof, and, lastly, to compel them 
to close attendance in Congress during their dele- 
gation.^ These things, under the present mode 

1 " Scarcely had the treaty [of peace with Great Britain] 
been ratified when several delegates who had come to Annapolis 
for that important act returned to their respective States. 
One was obliged to go home to take care of his sick child; an- 
other to marry; a third had very pressing personal business. 
I met one who told me that his wife called him back. It is thus 
that the federal assembly is scattered; and since the ratifica- 
tion has taken place, it has no longer been possible to form a 
congress of nine States; and yet that number is required to de- 
cide the most important affairs. The others are left to the 
decision of seven States, but there is often much difficulty in 
bringing them together; and when they do meet, they hardly 
do any business, because it is rarely that the seven States when 
present vote unanimously. In this way the time has passed 
since the month of June last. Almost no business has been 
done; and there is no prospect of a change for the better. Dele- 



James McHenry 251 

for and termination of elections, aided by annual 
instead of constant sessions, would, or I am ex- 
ceedingly mistaken, make us one of the most 
wealthy, happy, respectable, and powerful nations, 
that ever inhabited the terrestrial globe. Without 
them, we shall, in my opinion, soon be every thing 
which is the direct reverse of them. * * * 



TO JAMES Mchenry^ in congress 

Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * As I have ever been a friend to adequate 
powers of Congress, without which it is evident to 
me we never shall establish a national character, or 
be considered as on a respectable footing by the 
powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree with 
you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regu- 
lating of commerce. I have neither time nor 
abilities to enter into a full discussion of this sub- 
ject; but it should seem to me, that your arguments 
against it, principally that some States may be 
more benefited than others by a commercial regu- 
lation, apply to every matter of general utility. 
Can there be a case enumerated, in which this argu- 
ment has not its force in greater or less degree? 

gates truly attached to the public cause are in despair. Some 
wish congress to adjourn; others speak of a removal to Tren- 
ton; several regret Philadelphia. But this diversity of opinion 
hardly permits the hope that any one of the proposals will 
prevail; and congress appears to be condemned for some time 
longer to its present nullity." — Luzerne to Rayneval, 13 Febru- 
ary, 1784. Luzerne was the minister of France to the United 
States. 



252 George Washington 

We are either a united people under one head and 
for federal purposes, or we are thirteen inde- 
pendent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each 
other. If the former, whatever such a majority of 
the States, as the constitution points out, conceives 
to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my 
humble opinion, be submitted to by the minority. 
Let the southern States always be represented; let 
them act more in union ; let them declare freely and 
boldly what is for the interest of, and what is pre- 
judicial to, their constituents; and there will, there 
must be, an accommodating spirit. In the estab- 
lishment of a navigation act, this in a particular 
manner ought, and will doubtless be attended to. 
If the assent of nine, or as some propose of eleven 
States, is necessary to give validity to a commer- 
cial system, it insures this measure, or it cannot be 
obtained. 

Wherein then lies the danger? But if your 
fears are in danger of being realized, cannot cer- 
tain provisos in the ordinance guard against the 
evil ; I see no difficulty in this, if the southern dele- 
gates would give their attendance in Congress, and 
follow the example, if it should be set them, of 
hanging together to counteract combinations. I 
confess to you candidly, that I can foresee no evil 
greater than disunion; than those unreasonable 
jealousies, (I say unreasonable^ because I would 
have a 'proper jealousy always awake, and the 
United States on the watch to prevent individual 
States from infracting the constitution with im- 
punity,) which are continually poisoning our minds 



James McHenry 253 

and filling them with imaginary evils to the pre- 
vention of real ones. 

As you have asked the question, I answer, I do 
not know that we can enter upon a war of imposts 
with Great Britain, or any other foreign power; 
but we are certain, that this war has been waged 
against us by the former; professedly upon a be- 
lief that we never could unite in opposition to it; 
and I believe there is no way of putting an end to, 
or at least of stopping the increase of it, but to 
convince them of the contrary.^ Our trade, in all 

1 On July 2, 1783, a British Order in Council was issued con- 
fining the trade between the United States and the British 
West Indies to British ships, British-built. " This proclama- 
tion," said John Adams, " is issued in full confidence that the 
United States cannot agree to act as one nation." As the trade 
in sugar between the United States and the West Indies was 
quite considerable, this was a serious blow to American com- 
mercial interests. Furthermore, in trading directly with Great 
Britain, American vessels could be employed in transporting 
only the commodities of the States of which their owners were 
citizens. Great Britain would recognize a Massachusetts ship 
or a Virginia ship, but not an American ship. That the British 
government appreciated the inability of Congress to enact sat- 
isfactory commercial regulations is shown by the reply of the 
Duke of Dorset to the American commissioners, March 26, 
1785, when they informed him that they were ready to make 
a treaty of commerce with his government : " I have been in- 
structed to learn from you, gentlemen, what is the real nature 
of the powers with which you are invested; whether you are 
merely commissioned by Congress, or have received separate 
powers from the separate States. The apparent determination 
of the respective States to regulate their own separate inter- 
ests renders it absolutely necessary, toward forming a per- 
manent system of commerce, that my court should be informed 
how far the commissioners can be duly authorized to enter into 
any engagements with Great Britain, which it may not be in the 
power of any one of the States to render totally fruitless and 
ineffectual," 



2 54 George Washington 

points of view, is as essential to Great Britain, as 
hers is to us ; and she will exchange it upon recipro- 
cal and liberal terms, if better cannot be had. It 
can hardly be supposed, I think, that the carrying 
business will devolve wholly on the States you have 
named, or remain long with them if it should; for 
either Great Britain will depart from her present 
contracted system, or the pohcy of the southern 
States in framing the act of navigation, or by laws 
passed by themselves individually, will devise ways 
and means to encourage seamen for the transpor- 
tation of the product of their respective countries 
or for the encouragement of. But, admitting the 
contrary, if the Union is considered as permanent, 
and on this I presume all superstructures are built, 
had we not better encourage seamen among our- 
selves, with less imports, than divide it with for- 
eigners, and by increasing the amount of them ruin 
our merchants, and greatly injuring the mass of 
our citizens. 

To sum up the whole, I foresee, or think I do it, 
the many advantages which will arise from giving 
powers of this kind to Congress (if a sufficient 
number of States are required to exercise them), 
without any evil, save that which may proceed from 
inattention, or want of wisdom in the formation of 
the act; whilst, without them, we stand in a ridicu- 
lous point of view in the eyes of the nations of the 
world, with whom we are attempting to enter into 
commercial treaties, without means of cariying 
them into effect; who must see and feel, that the 
Union or th§ §t§tes indiyi^U^Uy are sovereigns, a^ 



James Warren 255 

best suits their purposes ; in a word, that we are one 
nation today and thirteen tomorrow. Who will 
treat with us on such terms — but perhaps I have 
gone too far and therefore will only add, that Mrs. 
Washington offers her compliments and best 
wishes for you, and that with great esteem and re- 
gard, I am, dear Sir, &c.^ 



TO JAMES WARREN 

Mount Vernon, 7 October, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 

The assurances of your friendship, after a silence 
of more than six years, are extremely pleasing to 
me. Friendship, formed under the circumstances 
that ours commenced are not easily eradicated ; and 
I can assure you, that mine has undergone no 
diminution. Every occasion, therefore, of renew- 
ing it wiU give me pleasure, and I shall be happy 
at all times to hear of your welfare. 

1 " Great Britain, in her commercial policy is acting the same 
unwise part, with respect to herself, which seems to have in- 
fluenced all her councils; and thereby is defeating her own ends: 
— the restriction of our trade, and her heavy imposts on the 
staple commodities of this country, will I conceive, immediately 
produce powers in Congress to regulate the Trade of the Union; 
which, more than probably would not have been obtained with- 
out in half a century. The mercantile interests of the whole 
Union are endeavoring to effect this, & will no doubt succeed; 
they see the necessity of a controuling power, and the futility, 
indeed the absurdity, of each State's enacting Laws for this 
purpose independent of one another. — This will be the case also, 
after a while, in all matters of common concern; — It is to be 
regretted, I confess, that Democratical States must always feel 
before they can see: — it is this that makes their Governments 
slow — but the people will be right at last." — Washington to the 
Marquis de Lafayette, 25 July, 1785. 



256 George Washington 

The war, as you have very justly observed, has 
terminated most advantageously for America, and 
a fair field is presented to our view; but I confess to 
you freely, my dear Sir, that I do not think we 
possess wisdom or justice enough to cultivate it 
properly. Illiberality, jealousy, and local policy 
mix too much in all our public councils for the good 
government of the Union. In a word, the confed- 
eration appears to me to be little more than a 
shadow without the substance, and Congress a 
nugatory body, their ordinances being little at- 
tended to. To me it is a solecism in politics, in- 
deed it is one of the most extraordinary things in 
nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and 
yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation who 
are the creatures of our making, appointed for a 
limited and short duration, and who are amenable 
for every action and recallable at any moment, and 
are subject to all the evils, which they may be in- 
strumental in producing, sufficient powers to order 
and direct the affairs of the same. By such policy 
as this the wheels of government are clogged, and 
our brightest prospects, and that high expectation, 
which was entertained of us by the wondering 
world, are turned into astonishment; and from the 
high ground on which we stood, we are descending 
into the vale of confusion and darkness. 

That we have it in our power to become one of 
the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, 
in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would 
but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards 
one another, and keep good faith with the rest of 



Marquis de Lafayette 257 

the world. That our resources are ample and in- 
creasing, none can deny; but, while they are 
grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give 
a vital stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the 
eyes of Europe, into contempt. 

It has long been a speculative question among 
philosophers and wise men, whether foreign com- 
merce is of real advantage to any country; that is, 
whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, 
which are introduced along with it, are counter- 
balanced by the convenience and wealth which it 
brings with it. But the decision of this question is 
of very little importance to us. We have abund- 
ant reason to be convinced, that the spirit for trade, 
which pervades these States, is not to be restrained. 
It behoves us then to establish just principles; and 
this, any more than other matters of national 
concern, cannot be done by thirteen heads dif- 
ferently constructed and organized. The neces- 
sity, therefore, of a controlling power is obvious; 
and why it should be withheld is beyond my 
comprehension. * * * 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 10 May, 1786. 

My DEAR Marquis, 

* * * The account of and observations which 
you have made on the policy and practice of Great 
Britain at the other courts of Europe, respecting 
these States, I was but too well informed and con- 



258 George Washington 

vinced of before. Unhappily for us, though their 
accounts are greatly exaggerated, yet our conduct 
has laid the foundation for them. It is one of the 
evils of democratical governments, that the people, 
not always seeing and frequently misled, must of- 
ten feel before they can act right; but then evils 
of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. 
It is to be lamented, nevertheless, that the remedies 
are so slow, and that those, who may wish to apply 
them seasonably, are not attended to before they 
suffer in person, in interest, and in reputation. I 
am not without hopes, that matters will take a more 
favorable turn in the federal constitution. The 
discerning part of the community have long since 
seen the necessity of giving adequate powers to 
Congress for national purposes, and the ignorant 
and designing must yield to it ere long. Several 
late acts of the different legislatures have a ten- 
dency thereto. Among these the impost, which is 
now acceded to by every State in the Union, 
(though clogged a little by that of New York,) 
will enable Congress to support the national credit 
in pecuniary matters better than it has been ^ ; 
whilst a measure, in which this State has taken the 
lead at its last session, will, it is to be hoped, give 
efficient powers to that body for all commercial 

1 This refers to the amendment to the Articles of Confedera- 
tion submitted to the States in 1783 by which Congress was 
authorized to impose certain duties on imports, the total pro- 
ceeds of which were to be devoted to the payment of the public 
debt and the interest thereon. All the States save New York 
accepted the amendment. Washington's confidence in that State 
was misplaced. It rejected the amendment February 15, 1787. 



Marquis de Lafayette 259 

purposes. This is a nomination of some of its first 
characters to meet other commissioners from the 
several States, in order to consider of and decide 
upon such powers, as shall be necessary for the 
sovereign power of them to act under; which are 
to be reported to the respective legislatures at their 
autumnal sessions, for, it is to be hoped, final 
adoption; thereby avoiding those tedious and fu- 
tile deliberations, which result from recommenda- 
tions and partial concurrences, at the same time 
that it places it at once in the power of Congress to 
meet European nations upon decisive and equal 
ground. All the legislatures, which I have heard 
from, have come into the proposition, and have 
made very judicious appointments. Much good 
is expected from this measure, and it is regretted 
by many, that more objects were not embraced by 
the meeting.^ A general convention is talked of by 
many for the purpose of revising and correcting 
the defects of the federal government; but whilst 
this is the wish of some, it is the dread of others, 
from an opinion that matters are not yet sufficiently 
ripe for such an event.^ * * * 

1 " My sentiments with respect to the federal government 
are well known. Publicly and privately have they been com- 
municated without reserve; but my opinion is, that there is 
more wickedness than ignorance in the conduct of the States, 
or, in other words, in the conduct of those who have too much 
influence in the government of them; and until the curtain is 
withdrawn, and the private views and selfish principles, upon 
which these men act, are exposed to public notice, I have little 
hope of amendment without another convulsion." — Washington 
to Henry Lee, 5 April, 1786. 

2 Here again Washington's expectations were disappointed. 
At the Annapolis Convention, which met in September, 1786, 



26o George Washington 

TO JOHN JAY 

Mount Vernon, 18 May, 1786. 

Deae Sir, 

* * * I coincide perfectly in sentiment with 
you, my dear Sir, that there are errors in our na- 
tional government, which call for correction ; loudly, 
I would add; but I shall find myself happily 
mistaken if the remedies are at hand. We are cer- 
tainly in a delicate situation; but my fear is, that 
the people are not yet sufficiently misled to retract 
from error. To be plainer, I think there is more 
wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils. 
Under this impression I scarcely know what opin- 
ion to entertain of a general convention. That it 
is necessary to revise and amend the articles of 
confederation, I entertain no doubt; but what may 
be the consequences of such an attempt is doubtful. 
Yet something must be done, or the fabric must 
fall, for it certainly is tottering. 

Ignorance and design are difficult to combat. 
Out of these proceed illiberal sentiments, improper 
jealousies, and a train of evils which oftentimes in 
republican governments must be sorely felt before 
they can be removed. The former, that is ignor- 
ance, being a fit soil for the latter to work in, tools 

only five States were represented, and when the members as- 
sembled they felt so hampered by the indifference of the absent 
States that they did nothing but adopt an address, prepared 
by Alexander Hamilton, urging Congress to call another con- 
vention the following year for the consideration of the defects 
of the existing government. For Hamilton's address, see his 
Works (Lodge, editor), i., 319, and Evans, Writings of 
Hamilton. 



John Jay 261 

are employed by them which a generous mind 
would disdain to use; and which nothing but time, 
and their own puerile or wicked productions, can 
show the inefficacy and dangerous tendency of. I 
think often of our situation, and view it with con- 
cern. From the high ground we stood upon, from 
the plain path which invited our footsteps, to be so 
fallen! so lost! it is really mortifying. But virtue, 
I fear, has in a great degree taken its departure 
from our land, and the want of a disposition to do 
justice is the source of the national embarrass- 
ments; for, whatever guise or colorings are given 
to them, this I apprehend is the origin of the evils 
we now feel, and probably shall labor under for 
some time yet. With respectful compliments to 
Mrs. Jay, and sentiments of sincere friendship, I 
am, dear Sir, &c.^ 



TO JOHN JAY 

Mount Vernon, 1 August, 1786. 

Deak Sir, 

I have to thank you very sincerely for your in- 
teresting letter of the 27th of June, as well as for 

1 " Is it not among the most unaccountable things in nature, 
that the representation of a great country should generally be 
so thin as not to be able to execute the functions of government? 
To what is this to be ascribed? Is it the result of political 
manoeuvre in some States, or is it owing to supineness or want 
of means? Be the causes what they may, it is shameful and 
disgusting. In a word, it hurts us. Our character as a na- 
tion is dwindling; and what it must come to, if a change should 
not soon take place, our enemies have foretold; for in truth we 
seem either not capable, or not willing, to take care of our- 
selves." — Washington to William Grayson, 26 July, 1786. 



262 George Washington 

the other communications you had the goodness to 
make at the same time. I am sorry to be assured, 
of what indeed I had httle doubt before, that we 
have been guilty of violating the treaty in some 
instances/ What a misfortune it is, the British 
should have so well grounded a pretext for their 
palpable infractions! And what a disgraceful 
part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are 
we to act! 

Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing 
rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What 
the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my 
foresight. We have errors to correct. We have 
probably had too good an opinion of human na- 
ture in forming our confederation. Experience 
has taught us, that men will not adopt and carry 
into execution measures the best calculated for 

1 One of the most glaring evidences of the weakness of Con- 
gress was its inability to enforce the treaty of peace with 
Great Britain. The treaty stipulated that Congress should 
earnestly recommend to the States to pass acts for the pro- 
tection of loyalists who desired to resume their residences in the 
States. Congress kept its promise, but most of the States 
declined to comply with the request. Many of the loyalists 
who returned found their property confiscated, and they could 
obtain no relief. The treaty also stipulated that private debts 
due to British subjects at the outbreak of the war should be 
paid. But several of the States had already passed laws for 
the confiscation of such debts, and Massachusetts and Penn- 
sylvania enacted similar acts even after the treaty was made. 
The British government then declared that it would retain 
possession of the posts on the frontier until these obstacles to 
the enforcement of the treaty were removed. Similar difficulties 
were encountered in enforcing treaties with other countries. 
" The files of Congress," wrote Madison, " contain complaints 
already from almost every nation with which treaties have been 
formed." 



John Jay 263 

their own good, without the intervention of a coer- 
cive power. I do not conceive we can exist long 
as a nation without having lodged some where a 
power, which will pervade the whole Union in as 
energetic a manner as the authority of the State 
governments extends over the several States. 

To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted 
as that body is, with ample authorities for national 
purposes, appears to me the very climax of popu- 
lar absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert 
them for the detriment of the public, without in- 
juring themselves in an equal or greater pro- 
portion? Are not their interests inseparably 
connected with those of their constituents ? By the 
rotation of appointment, must they not mingle fre- 
quently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather 
to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the 
powers before described, that the individual mem- 
bers would be induced to use them, on many oc- 
casions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of 
losing their popularity and future election? We 
must take human nature as we find it. Perfection 
falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of 
opinion, that Congress have too frequently made 
use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in 
applications to the States, when they had a right 
to assert their imperial dignity and conmiand obedi- 
ence. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect 
nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, dis- 
united States are in the habit of discussing and 
refusing compliance with them at their option. Re- 
quisitions are actually little better than a jest and 



264 George Washington 

a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the 
legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, 
and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, 
they will laugh in your face. What then is to be 
done? Things cannot go on in the same train for 
ever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that 
the better kind of people, being disgusted with the 
circumstances, will have their minds prepared for 
any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from 
one extreme into another. To anticipate and pre- 
vent disastrous contingencies would be the part of 
wisdom and patriotism. 

What astonishing changes a few years are cap- 
able of producing. I am told that even respectable 
characters speak of a monarchical form of govern- 
ment without horror. From thinking proceeds 
speaking; thence to acting is often but a single 
step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What 
a triumph for our enemies to verify their predic- 
tions! What a triumph for the advocates of des- 
potism to find, that we are incapable of governing 
ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of 
equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! 
Would to God, that wise measures may be taken in 
time to avert the consequences we have but too much 
reason to apprehend. 

Retired as I am from the world, I frankly ac- 
knowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned 
spectator. Yet, having happily assisted in bring- 
ing the ship into port, and having been fairly dis- 
charged, it is not my business to embark again on 
a sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected, that 



Henry Lee 265 

my sentiments and opinions would have much 
weight on the minds of my countrymen. They 
have been neglected, though given as a last legacj^ 
in the most solemn manner. I had then perhaps 
some claims to public attention. I consider my- 
self as having none at present. Mrs. Washington 
joins me in compliments, etc. 

With sentiments of sincere esteem and friend- 
ship, I am, dear Sir, &e. 



TO HENEY LEE, IN CONGRESS 

31 October, 1786. 

My Deae Snt, 

* * * The picture which you have exhibited, 
and the accounts which are pubHshed of the commo- 
tions and temper of numerous bodies in the eastern 
States, are equally to be lamented and deprecated. 
They exhibit a melancholy proof of what our trans- 
atlantic foe has predicted; and of another thing 
perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and is 
yet more unaccountable, that mankind, when left 
to themselves, are unfit for their own government. 
I am mortified beyond expression, when I view the 
clouds, that have spread over the brightest morn 
that ever dawned upon any country. In a word, 
I am lost in amazement when I behold what 
intrigue, the interested views of desperate charac- 
ters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor part, are 
capable of effecting, as a scourge on the major part 
of our fellow citizens of the Union; for it is hardly 
to be supposed, that the great body of the people, 



266 George Washington 

though they will not act, can be so shortsighted or 
enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant 
sun through all this mist of intoxication and foUy.^ 
You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence 
to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts.^ 
I know not where that influence is to be found, or, 
if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for 
the disorders. Influence is no government. Let 
us have one by which our lives, liberties, and prop- 
erties will be secured, or let us know the worst at 
once. Under these impressions, my humble opin- 
ion is, that there is a call for decision. Know pre- 
cisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have 
real grievances, redress them if possible; or ac- 
knowledge the justice of them, and your inability 
to do it in the present moment. If they have not, 
employ the force of government against them at 
once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced, 
that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. 

1 " For God's sake tell me what is the cause of all these 
commotions? Do they proceed from licentiousness, British in- 
fluence, disseminated by the Tories, or real grievances which ad- 
mit of redress? If the latter, why were they delayed till the 
public mind had become so much agitated? If the former, 
why are not the powers of government tried at once? It is as 
well to be without, as not to live under their exercise. Com- 
motions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather strength as they 
roll, if there is no opposition in the way to divide and crumble 
them." — Washington to Humphreys, 22 October, 1786. 

2 The years following the restoration of peace were years of 
great financial distress. Much property had been destroyed, 
business had been disturbed, debts had accumulated, the paper- 
money craze had taken possession of most of the States, and 
general discontent prevailed. Violent outbreaks against the 
State governments occurred, the most serious one being Shay's 
Rebellion in Massachusetts. 



James Madison 267 

To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and 
more contemptible than we already are, is hardly 
possible. To delay one or the other of these, is to 
exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence 
on the other, and will add to their numbers; for, 
like snow-balls, such bodies increase by every 
movement, unless there is something in the way to 
obstruct and crumble them before the weight is too 
great and irresistible. 

These are my sentiments. Precedents are dan- 
gerous things. Let the reins of government then 
be braced and held with a steady hand, and every 
violation of the constitution be reprehended. If 
defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be 
trampled upon whilst it has an existence. * * * 



TO JAMES MADISON 

Mount Vernon, 5 November, 1786. 
My Dear Sir, 

I thank you for the communications in your let- 
ter of the 1st instant. The decision of the House 
on the question respecting a paper emission is por- 
tentous, I hope, of an auspicious session. It cer- 
tainly may be classed with the important questions 
of the present day, and merited the serious atten- 
tion of the Assembly. Fain would I hope, that the 
great and most important of all subjects, the fed- 
eral government J may be considered with that calm 
and deliberate attention, which the magnitude of 
it so critically and loudly calls for at this critical 



268 George Washington 

moment. Let prejudices, unreasonable jealousies, 
and local interests, yield to reason and liberality. 
Let us look to our national character, and to things 
beyond the present moment. No morn ever 
dawned more favorably than ours did; and no day 
was ever more clouded than the present. Wisdom 
and good examples are necessary at this time to 
rescue the political machine from the impending 
storm. Virginia has now an opportunity to set the 
latter, and has enough of the former, I hope, to 
take the lead in promoting this great and arduous 
work. Without an alteration in our political 
creed, the superstructure we have been seven years 
in raising, at the expense of so much treasure and 
blood, must fall. We are fast verging to anarchy 
and confusion. 

By a letter which I have received from General 
Knox, who had just returned from Massachusetts, 
whither he had been sent by Congress consequent 
of the commotions in that State, is replete with 
melancholy accounts of the temper and designs of 
a considerable part of that people. Among other 
things he says: 

" Their creed is, that the property of the United States 
has been protected from the confiscation of Britain by 
the joint exertions of all; and therefore ought to be the 
common property of all; and he that attempts opposition 
to this creed, is an enemy to equity and justice, and 
ought to be swept from off the face of the earth." Again : 
" They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and 
private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily ef- 
fected by the means of unfunded paper money, which 
shall be a tender in all cases whatever." He adds: 



James Madison 269 

" The number of these people amount in Massachusetts 
to about one fifth part of several populous counties, and 
to them may be collected people of similar sentiments 
from the States of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New 
Hampshire, so as to constitute a body of about twelve 
or fifteen thousand desperate and unprincipled men. 
They are chiefly of the young and active part of the 
community." 

How melancholy is the reflection, that in so short 
a space we should have made such large strides tow- 
ards fulfilling the predictions of our transatlantic 
foes! "Leave them to themselves, and their gov- 
ernment will soon dissolve." ^ Will not the wise 

^ It was a common opinion in Europe both before and for 
some time after the adoption of the Constitution that the 
American States could not be permanently united. In Eng- 
land perhaps the wish was father to the thought. The Dean 
of Gloucester, Josiah Tucker, wrote : " As to the future grand- 
eur of America, and its being a rising empire, under one head, 
whether republican or monarchical, it is one of the idlest and 
most visionary notions that ever was conceived even by writers 
of romance. The mutual antipathies and clashing interests 
of the Americans, their difference of governments, habitudes, 
and manners, indicate that they will have no centre of union and 
no common interest. They never can be united into one compact 
empire under any species of government whatever; a disunited 
people till the end of time, suspicious and distrustful of each 
other, they will be divided and subdivided into little common- 
wealths or principalities according to natural boundaries, by 
great bays of the sea, and by vast rivers, lakes and ridges of 
mountains." — Dean Tucker, Cui Bono, cited in Bancroft, His- 
tory of the Constitution of the United States, i., 65. Frederick 
the Great, who showed a friendly disposition toward the new re- 
public, thought that its form of government would prove fatal 
to it. He remarked to the British minister in 1782: " The great 
extent of country would alone be a sufficient obstacle, since a 
republican government had never been known to exist for any 
length of time where the territory was not limited and con- 
centrated. It would not be more absurd to propose the estab- 



270 George Washington 

and good strive hard to avert this evil? Or will 
their supineness suffer ignorance, and the arts of 
self-interested, designing, disaffected, and desper- 
ate characters, to involve this great country in 
wretchedness and contempt? What stronger evi- 
dence can be given of the want of energy in our 
government, than these disorders? If there is not 
power in it to check them, what security has a man 
for life, liberty, or property? To you I am sure 
I need not add aught on this subject. The con- 
sequences of a lax or inefficient government are too 
obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties 
pulling against each other, and all tugging at the 
federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; 
whereas a liberal and energetic constitution, well 
guarded and closely watched to prevent encroach- 
ments, might restore us to that degree of respect- 
ability and consequences, to which we had a fair 
claim and the brightest prospect of attaining. 
With sentiments of very great esteem and regard. 

I am, dear Sir, &c. 



lishment of a democracy to govern the whole country from 
Brest to Riga." — Ibid., i,, 71. But prophets of evil have not been 
lacking since. In 1818, thirty years after the adoption of the 
Constitution, Sydney Smith, a British essayist, said in The 
Edinburgh Review : " The Americans are a very sensible, re- 
flecting people, and have conducted their affairs extremely well; 
but it is scarcely possible to conceive that such an empire should 
very long remain undivided, or that the dwellers on the Colum- 
bia should have common interest with the navigators of the 
Hudson and the Delaware." 



Henry Knox 271 

TO HENRY KNOX 

Mount Vernon, 26 December 1786. 

]My dear Sir, 

* * * I feel, my dear General Knox, infinitely 
more than I can express to you, for the disorders, 
which have arisen in these States. Good God! 
Who, besides a Tory, could have foreseen, or a 
Briton predicted them? Were these people wiser 
than others, or did they judge of us from 
the conniption and depravity of their own 
hearts? The latter I am persuaded was the case 
and that notwithstanding the boasted virtue of 
America we are very little if anything behind 
them in dispositions to every thing that is 
bad. 

I do assure you, that even at this moment, when 
I reflect upon the present prospect of our affairs, 
it seems to me to be like the vision of a dream. 
My mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in actual 
existence; so strange, so wonderful does it appear 
to me. In this, as in most other matters, we are 
too slow. When this spirit first dawned, prob- 
ably it might have been easily checked; but it is 
scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this 
moment, to say when, where, or how it will termi- 
nate. There are combustibles in every State, 
which a spark might set fire to. In this a perfect 
calm prevails at present; and a prompt disposition 
to support and give energy to the federal system 
is discovered, if the unlucky stirring of the dispute 
respecting the navigation of the Mississippi does 



272 George Washington 

not become a leaven that will ferment and sour the 
mind of it. 

The resolutions of the present session respecting 
a paper emission, military certificates, &c., have 
'stamped justice and liberality on the proceedings 
of the Assembly. By a late act, it seems very de- 
sirous of a general convention to revise and amend 
the federal constitution. Apropos; what prevented 
the eastern States from attending the Septem- 
ber meeting at Annapolis?^ Of all the States 
in the Union it should have seemed to me, that a 
measure of this sort, (distracted as they were with 
internal commotions and experiencing the want of 
energy in the government,) would have been most 
pleasing to them. What are the prevailing senti- 
ments of the one now proposed to be held in Phila- 
delphia in May next? and how will it be attended? 
You are at the fountain of intelligence, where the 
wisdom of the nation, it is to be presumed, is con- 
centred; consequently better able, (as I have had 
sufficient experience of your intelligence, confi- 
dence, and candor,) to solve these questions. 

The Maryland Assembly has been violently agi- 
tated by the question for a paper emission. It has 
been carried in the House of Delegates; but what 
has been or may be the fate of the bill in the Sen- 
ate, I have not yet heard. The partisans in favor 
of the measure in the lower House threaten, it is 
said, a secession, if it is rejected by that branch of 

1 At the Annapolis Convention in September, 1786, the only 
States represented were New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Delaware, and Virginia. 



Henry Knox 273 

the legislature. Thus are we advancing. In re- 
gretting, which I have often done with the keenest 
sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend 
General Greene, I have accompanied it of late with 
a query, whether he would not have preferred such 
an exit to the scenes, which, it is more than prob- 
able, many of his compatriots may live to bemoan. 

In both your letters you intimate, that the men 
of reflection, principle, and property in New Eng- 
land, feeling the inefficacy of their present govern- 
ment, are contemplating a change ; but you are not 
explicit with respect to its nature. It has been 
supposed, that the constitution of the State of 
Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in 
the Union. May not these disorders then be as- 
cribed to an indulgent exercise of the powers of ad- 
ministration? If your laws authorized, and your 
powers are equal to the suppression of these tu- 
mults in the first instance, delay and unnecessary 
expedients were improper. These are rarely well 
applied; and the same causes would produce simi- 
lar effects in any form of government, if the pow- 
ers of it are not exercised. I ask this question for 
information. I know nothing of the facts. 

That Great Britain will be an unconcerned 
spectator of the present insurrections, if they con- 
tinue, is not to be expected. That she is at this 
moment sowing the seeds of jealousy and discon- 
tent among the various tribes of Indians on our 
frontiers, admits of no doubt in my mind ; and that 
she will improve every opportunity to foment the 
spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the United 

z8 



274 George Washington 

States, with a view of distracting our governments 
and promoting divisions, is with me not less certain. 
Her first manoeuvres in this will no doubt be 
covert, and may remain so till the period shall ar- 
rive when a decided line of conduct may avail 
her. Charges of violating the treaty, and other 
pretexts, will then not be wanting to color overt 
acts, tending to effect the great objects of which 
she has long been in labor. A man is now at the 
head of their American affairs, well calculated to 
conduct measures of this kind, and more than prob- 
ably was selected for the purpose. We ought not 
therefore to sleep nor to slumber. Vigilance in 
watching and vigor in acting is become in my opin- 
ion indispensably necessary. If the powers are 
inadequate, amend or alter them; but do not let us 
sink into the lowest state of humiUation and con- 
tempt, and become a by-word in all the earth. I 
think with you, that the spring will unfold import- 
ant and distressing scenes, unless much wisdom and 
good management is displayed in the interim. 
Adieu. Be assured no man has a higher esteem 
and regard for you, than I have; none more sin- 
cerely your friend.^ * * * 

1 " I have lately had an opportunity of conversing with sev- 
eral of the first characters from the neighboring States. These 
gentlemen — viz., Messrs. Duane, Chancellor Livingston, Egbert 
Benson, Judges Yates, Haring, and Smith, from New York, 
with Messrs. Lowell, King, Parsons, and Judge Sullivan, from 
Boston — were commissioners for settling the boundaries be- 
tween the two States. They seemed to be all of opinion that 
something must be done, but what that something was ap- 
peared to baffle their deepest penetration. It is, however, wor- 
thy of remark that Mr. King, Mr. Sedgwick, and several others 



John Jay 275 

TO JOHN JAY 

Mount Vernon, 10 March, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * How far the revision of the federal 
system, and giving more adequate powers to 
Congress may he productive of an efficient gov- 
ernment, I will not under my present view of the 
matter, pretend to decide. — That many incon- 
veniences result from the present form, none can 
deny. Those enumerated in your letter are so ob- 
vious and sensibly felt that no logic can controvert, 
nor is it likely that any change of conduct will 
remove them, and that attempts to alter or amend 
it will be like the proppings of a house which is 
ready to fall, and which no shoars can support (as 
many seem to think) may also be true. But, is the 
public mind matured for such an important change 
as the one you have suggested? What would be 
the consequences of a premature attempt? My 
opinion is, that this Country must yet feel and see 
more, before it can be accomplished. 

A thirst for power, and the bantling, I had liked 
to have said monster for sovereignty, which have 

(I believe I might say John Jay), who have been mortally op- 
posed to the Cincinnati, now look with considerable confidence 
to that quarter for our political preservation. 

" Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Barlow, and myself have written a good 
number of pieces in prose and verse on political subjects; we 
have the satisfaction to find that they are reprinted in more 
papers and read with more avidity than any other perform- 
ances. Pointed ridicule is found to be of more efficacy than se- 
rious argumentation." — David Humphreys to Washington, New 
Haven, 20 January, 1787. 



276 George Washington 

taken such fast hold of the States individually, will 
when joined by the many whose personal conse- 
quence in the control of State politics will in a 
manner be annihilated, form a strong phalanx 
against it; and when to these the few who can hold 
posts of honor or profit in the national govern- 
ment, are compared with the many who will see but 
little prospect of being noticed, and the discontent 
of others who may look for appointments, the op- 
position will be altogether irresistable till the mass, 
as well as the more discerning part of the Com- 
munity shall see the necessity. Among men of 
reflection, few will be found I believe, who are not 
beginning to think that our system is more perfect 
in theory than in practice; and that notwithstand- 
ing the boasted virtue of America it is more than 
probable we shall exhibit the last melancholy proof, 
that mankind are not competent to their own gov- 
iernment without the means of coercion in the 
sovereign. 

Yet I w^ould fain try what the wisdom of the 
proposed convention will suggest : and what can be 
effected by their councils. It may be the last 
peaceable mode of essaying the practicability of the 
present form, without a greater lapse of time than 
the exigency of our affairs will allow. In strict 
propriety a convention so holden may not be legal. 
Congress, however, may give it a coloring by 
recommendation, which would fit it more to the 
taste without proceeding to a definition of the 
powers. This, however constitutionally it might 
be done, would not, in my opinion, be expedient: 



David Stuart 277 

for delicacy on the one hand, and jealousy on the 
other, would produce a mere nihil. 

My name is in the delegation to this Convention; 
but it was put there contrary to my desire, and re- 
mains contrary to my request. Several reasons at 
the time of this appointment and which yet exist, 
conspired to make an attendance inconvenient, per- 
haps improper, tho' a good deal urged to it. With 
sentiments of great regard and friendship, 
&;c.^ * * * 



TO DAVID STUART 

Philadelphia, 1 July, 1787. 

Dear Sie: 

* * * Rhode Island, from our last accts. still 
perseveres in that impolitic, unjust, and one might 
add without much impropriety scandalous con- 
duct, which seems to have marked all her public 
Councils of late. Consequently, no Representa- 

1 When Washington laid down his military command, he be- 
lieved that he had taken a final leave of all public employment. 
Hence when urged to represent Virginia in the Federal Con- 
vention, he felt that his acceptance would expose him to the 
charge of inconsistency. He was further embarrassed by the 
fact that he had given notice that he would be unable to attend 
the triennial meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati, of which 
he was president, and which was to meet in Philadelphia at 
the time appointed for the Federal Convention. Should he at- 
tend the Convention, after having declined to attend the meeting 
of the Society of the Cincinnati, he feared that he would give 
offence to his old comrades in arms. It was only his intense 
desire to see some decisive steps taken for the improvement of 
the government that finally induced him to consent to attend the 
Convention. He set out from Mount Vernon on May 9th, and 
arrived in Philadelphia on May 13th, on which day he records 



278 George Washington 

tion is yet here from thence. New Hampshire, 
tho' Delegates have been appointed, is also unrep- 
resented. Various causes have been assigned, 
whether well, or ill-founded I shall not take upon 
me to decide. The fact, however, is that they are 
not here. Political contests, and want of money, 
are amidst the reasons assigned for the non-attend- 
ance of the members. 

As the rules of the convention prevent me from 
relating any of the proceedings of it, and the ga- 
zettes contain, more fully than I could detail, other 
occurrences of a public nature, I have little to 
communicate to you on the article of news. Happy 
indeed would it be, if the convention shall be able 
to recommend such a firm and permanent govern- 
ment for this Union, that all who live under it maj'' 
be secure in their lives, liberty, and property; and 
thrice happy would it be, if such a recommenda- 
tion should obtain. Every body wishes, every 
body expects something from the convention; but 
what will be the final result of its deliberation, the 
book of fate must disclose.^ Persuaded I am, that 

in his diary : " Waited on the President [of Pennsylvania] , 
Doctr. Franklin, as soon as I got to town. On my arrival the 
Bells were chimed." On May 25th he writes : " Another Delegate 
coming in from the State of New Jersey, gave it a representa- 
tion, and encreased the number to Seven, which forming a 
quoram of the 13, the members present resolved to organize the 
body; when by a unanimous vote I was called up to the chair 
as President of the body." 

1 " The business of this convention is as yet too much in 
embryo to form any opinion of the conclusion. Much is expected 
from it by some; not much by others; and nothing by a few. 
That something is necessary, none will deny; for the situation 
of the general governmeiit. if it can be called a government. 



David Stuart 279 

the primary cause of all our disorders lies in the dif- 
ferent State governments, and in the tenacity of 
that power, which pervades the whole of their sys- 
tems. Whilst independent sovereignty is so ar- 
dently contended for, whilst the local views of each 
State, and separate interests, by which they are too 
much governed, will not yield to a more enlarged 
scale of politics, incompatibility in the laws of dif- 
ferent States, and disrespect to those of the gen- 
eral government, must render the situation of this 
great country weak, inefficient, and disgraceful. 
It has already done so, almost to the final dissolu- 
tion of it. Weak at home and disregarded abroad 
is our present condition, and contemptible enough 
it is. 

Entirely unnecessary was it to offer any apology 
for the sentiments you were so obliging as to offer 
me. r have had no wish more ardent, through the 
whole progress of this business, than that of know- 
ing what kind of government is best calculated for 
us to live under. No doubt there will be a diversity 
of sentiments on this important subject; and, to 
inform the judgment, it is necessary to hear all 
arguments that can be advanced. To please all is 
impossible, and to attempt it would be vain. The 
only way, therefore, is, under all the views in which 
it can be placed, and with a due consideration to 
circumstances, habits, &c., &c., to form such a gov- 

is shaken to its foundation, and liable to be overturned by every 
blast. In a word, it is at an end; and, unless a remedy is soon 
applied, anarchy and confusion will inevitably ensue." — Wash- 
ington to Jefferson, 30 May, 1787, 



28o George Washington 

ernment as will bear the scrutinizing eye of criti- 
cism, and trust it to the good sense and patriotism 
of the people to carry it into effect. Demagogues, 
men who are unwilling to lose any of their State 
consequence, and interested characters in each, will 
oppose any general government. But let these be 
regarded rightly, and justice, it is to be hoped, will 
at length prevail. My best wishes attend Mrs. 
Stuart, yourself, and the girls. If I can render 
any service whilst I remain here, I shall be happy 
in doing it. I am, &c. 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Philadelphia, 10 July, 1787. 

Dear Sir: 

I thank you for your communication of the 3d. 
When I refer you to the state of the counsels, which 
prevailed at the period you left this city, and add 
that they are now if possible in a worse train than 
ever, you will find but little ground on which the 
hope of a good establishment can be formed. In a 
word, I almost despair of seeing a favorable issue 
to the proceedings of our convention, and do there- 
fore repent having had any agency in the business. 

The men, who oppose a strong and energetic 
government, are in my opinion narrow-minded 
politicians, or are under the influence of local views. 
The apprehension expressed by them, that the peo- 
ple will not accede to the form proposed, is the 
ostensible, not the real cause of opposition. But, 
admitting that the present sentiment is as they 



Patrick Henry 281 

prognosticate, the proper question ought neverthe- 
less to be, Is it, or is it not, the best form that such 
a country as this can adopt? If it be the best, 
recommend it, and it will assuredly obtain, maugre 
opposition. I am sorry you went away. I wish 
you were back. The crisis is equally important and 
alarming, and no opposition, under such circum- 
stances, should discourage exertions till the signa- 
ture is offered. I will not at this time trouble you 
with more than my best wishes and sincere regard. 
I am, dear Sir, &c. 



TO PATRICK HENEY 

Mount Vernon, 24 September, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

In the first moment after my return, I take the 
liberty of sending you a copy of the constitution, 
which the federal convention has submitted to the. 
people of these States. I accompany it with no 
observations. Your own judgment will at once 
discover the good and the exceptionable parts of it ; 
and your experience of the difficulties, which have 
ever arisen when attempts have been made to 
reconcile such variety of interests and local pre- 
judices, as pervade the several States, will render 
explanation unnecessary. I wish the constitution, 
which is offered, had been made more perfect; but 
I sincerely believe it is the best that could be ob- 
tained at this time. And, as a constitutional door 
is opened for amendment hereafter, the adoption 



282 George Washington 

of it, under the present circumstances of the Union, 
is in my opinion desirable. 

From a variety of concurring accounts it ap- 
pears to me, that the poHtical concerns of this 
country are in a manner suspended by a thread, and 
that the convention has been looked up to, by the 
reflecting part of the community, vrith a solicitude 
which is hardly to be conceived; and, if nothing 
had been agreed on by that body, anarchy would 
soon have ensued, the seeds being deeply sown in 
every soil. I am, &c.^ 



TO HENRY KNOX 

Mount Vernon, October, 1787. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * The constitution is now before the judg- 
ment-seat. It has, as was expected, its adversaries 
and supporters. Which will preponderate is yet 
to be decided. The former more than probably 
will be most active, as the major part of them will, 

1 " The Constitution that is submitted, is not free from im- 
perfections, but there are as few radical defects in it as could 
well be expected, considering the heterogeneous mass of which 
the Convention was composed and the diversity of interests 
that are to be attended to. As a constitutional door is opened 
for future amendments and alterations, I think it would be wise 
in the People to accept what is offered to them and I wish it 
may be by as great a majority of them as it was by that of 
the Convention; but this is hardly to be expected because the 
importance and sinister views of too many characters, will be 
affected by the change. — Much will depend however upon lit- 
erary abilities, and the recommendation of it by good pens 
should be openly, I mean, publickly afforded in the Gazettes. — 
Go matters however as they may, I shall have the consolation 



Henry Knox 283 

it is to be feared, be governed by sinister and 
self-important motives, to which every thing in 
their breasts must yield. The opposition from 
another class of them may perhaps, (if they should 
be men of reflection, candor, and information,) 
subside in the solution of the following simple ques- 
tions. 1. Is the constitution, which is submitted 
by the convention, preferable to the government, 
(if it can be called one,) under which we now live? 
2. Is it probable that more confidence would at the 
time be placed in another convention, provided the 
experiment should be tried, than was placed in 
the last one, and is it likely that a better agreement 
would take place therein? What would be the 
consequences if these should not happen, or even 
from the delay, which must inevitably follow such 
an experiment? Is there not a constitutional door 
open for alterations or amendments? and is it not 
likely that real defects will be as readily discov- 
ered after as before trial? and will not our succes- 
sors be as ready to apply the remedy as ourselves, if 
occasion should require it? To think otherwise 
will, in my judgment, be ascribing more of the 
amor patrice, more wisdom and more virtue to our- 
selves, than I think we deserve. 

It is highly probable, that the refusal of our 
Governor [Edmund Randolph] and Colonel 



to reflect that no objects but the public good — and that peace 
and harmony which I wished to see prevail in the Convention, 
obtruded even for a moment in my bosom during the whole Ses- 
sion long as it was." — Washington to Colonel David Hum- 
phreys, 10 October, 17S7. 



284 George Washington 

Mason to subscribe to the proceedings of the con- 
vention will have a bad effect in this State; for, as 
you well observe, they must not only assign rea- 
sons for the justification of their own conduct, but 
it is highly probable that these reasons will be 
clothed in most terrific array for the purpose of 
alarming. Some things are already addressed to 
the fears of the people, and will no doubt have their 
effect. As far, however, as the sense of this part 
of the country has been taken, it is strongly in favor 
of the proposed constitution. Further I cannot 
speak with precision. If a powerful opposition is 
given to it, the weight thereof will, I apprehend, 
come from the south side of the James River, and 
from the western counties. I am, &c. 



TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON 

Mount Vernon, 10 November, 1787. 

Dear Bxjshrod, 

* * * That the Assembly would afford the 
people an opportunity of deciding on the proposed 
constitution, I had scarcely a doubt. The only 
question with me was, whether it would go forth 
under favorable auspices, or receive the stamp of 
disapprobation. The opponents I expected (for 
it ever has been, that the adversaries to a measure 
are more active than its friends,) would endeavor 
to stamp it with unfavorable impressions, in order 
to bias the judgment, that is ultimately to decide 
on it. This is evidently the case with the writers 
in opposition, whose objections are better calculated 



Bushrod Washington 285 

to alarm the fears, than to convince the judgment, 
of their readers. They build their objections upon 
principles, that do not exist, which the constitution 
does not support them in, and the existence of 
which has been, by an appeal to the constitution 
itself, flatly denied ; and then, as if they were unan- 
swerable, draw all the dreadful consequences that 
are necessary to alarm the apprehensions of the 
ignorant or unthinking. It is not the interest of 
the major part of those characters to be convinced; 
nor will their local views yield to arguments, 
which do not accord with their present or future 
prospects. 

A candid solution of a single question, to which 
the plainest understanding is competent, does, in 
my opinion, decide the dispute; namely, Is it best 
for the States to unite or not to unite? If there 
are men, who prefer the latter, then unquestionably 
the constitution which is offered must, in their es- 
timation, be wrong from the words, " We the peo- 
ple" to the signature, inclusively, but those, who 
think differently, and yet object to parts of it, 
would do well to consider, that it does not lie with 
any one State, or the timiority of the States, to 
superstruct a constitution for the whole. The sep- 
arate interests, as far as it is practicable, must be 
consolidated; and local views must be attended to, 
as far as the nature of the case will admit. Hence 
it is, that every State has some objection to the 
present form, and these objections are directed to 
different points. That which is most pleasing to 
one is obnoxious to another, and so vice versa. If 



286 George Washington 

then the union of the whole is a desirable object, 
the component parts must yield a little in order 
to accomplish it. Without the latter, the former 
is unattainable; for again I repeat it, that not a 
single State, nor the minority of the States, can 
force a constitution on the majority. But, ad- 
mitting the power, it will surely be granted that it 
cannot be done without involving scenes of civil 
commotion, of a very serious nature. 

Let the opponents of the proposed constitution 
in this State be asked, and it is a question they cer- 
tainly ought to have asked themselves, what line 
of conduct they would advise to adopt, if nine other 
States, of which I think there is little doubt, should 
accede to the constitution. Would they recom- 
mend, that it should stand single? Will they con- 
nect it with Rhode Island? Or even with two 
others checker-wise, and remain with them, as out- 
casts from the society, to shift for themselves? Or 
will they return to their dependence on Great 
Britain? Or, lastly, have the mortification to come 
in when they will be allowed no credit for doing 
so?i 

The warmest friends and the best supporters the 
constitution has, do not contend that it is free from 
imperfections; but they found them unavoidable, 
and are sensible, if evil is likely to arise therefrom, 
the remedy must come hereafter; for in the present 

1 North Carolina and Rhode Island were the only States that 
failed to ratify the Constitution before the new government 
went into operation. North Carolina ratified November 21, 
1789, and Rhode Island on May 29, 1790. 



Bushrod Washington 287 

moment it is not to be obtained; and, as there is a 
constitutional door open for it, I think the people 
(for it is with them to judge), can, as they will 
have the advantage of experience on their side, de- 
cide with as much propriety on the alterations and 
amendments which are necessary, as ourselves. I 
do not think we are more inspired, have more wis- 
dom, or possess more virtue, than those who will 
come after us. 

The power under the constitution will always be 
in the people. It is intrusted for certain defined 
purposes, and for a certain limited period, to rep- 
resentatives of their own choosing; and, whenever 
it is executed contrary to their interest, or not 
agreeable to their wishes, their servants can and 
undoubtedly will be recalled. It is agreed on all 
hands, that no government can be well administered 
without powers; yet, the instant these are dele- 
gated, although those, who are intrusted with the 
administration, are no more than the creatures of 
the people, act as it were but for a day, and are 
amenable for every false step they take, they are, 
from the moment they receive it, set down as 
tyrants; their natures, they would conceive from 
this, immediately changed, and that they can have 
no other disposition but to oppress. Of these 
things, in a government constituted and guarded 
as ours is, I have no idea; and do firmly believe, 
that, whilst many ostensible reasons are assigned 
to prevent the adoption of it, the real ones are con- 
cealed behind the curtains, because they are not of 
a nature to appear in open day. I believe further. 



288 George Washington 

supposing them pure, that as great evils result from 
too great jealousy as from the want of it. We 
need look, I think, no further for proof of this, than 
to the constitution of some, if not all, of these 
States. No man is a warmer advocate for proper 
restraints and wholesome checks in every depart- 
ment of government, than I am; but I have never 
yet been able to discover the propriety of placing 
it absolutely out of the power of men to render 
essential services, because a possibility remains of 
their doing ill. * * * 



TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

Mount Vernon, 8 January, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * The diversity of sentiments upon the im- 
portant matter, which has been submitted to the 
people, was as much expected as it is regretted by 
me.^ The various passions and motives, by which 
men are influenced, are concomitants of fallibility, 
engrafted into our nature for the purposes of un- 
erring wisdom; but, had I entertained a latent 
hope, (at the time you moved to have the constitu- 
tion submitted to a second convention, ) that a more 
perfect form would be agreed to, in a word, that 
any constitution would be adopted under the im- 
pressions and instructions of the members, the 
publications, which have taken place since, would 

1 This letter is a reply to one from Randolph, which had been 
accompanied by his pamphlet containing his objections to the 
adoption of the Constitution. 



Edmund Randolph 289 

have eradicated every form of it. How do the sen- 
timents of the influential characters in this State, 
who are opposed to the constitution, and have 
favored the public with their opinions, quadrate 
with each other? Are they not at variance on some 
of the most important points? If the opponents 
in the same State cannot agree in their principles, 
what prospect is there of a coalescence with the ad- 
vocates of the measure, when the different views 
and jarring interests of so wide and extended an 
empire are to be brought forward and combated? 

To my judgment it is more clear than ever, that 
an attempt to amend the constitution, which is sub- 
mitted, would be productive of more heat and 
greater confusion than can well be conceived. 
There are some things in the new form, I will 
readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am 
persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approba- 
tion; but I then did conceive, and do now most 
firmly believe, that in the aggregate it is the best 
constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, 
and that this, or a dissolution of the Union, awaits 
our choice, and are the only alternatives before us. 
Thus believing, I had not, nor have I now, any 
hesitation in deciding on which to lean. 

I pray your forgiveness for the expression of 
these sentiments. In acknowledging the receipt 
of your letter on this subject, it was hardly to be 
avoided, although I am well-disposed to let the 
matter rest entirely on its own merits, and men's 
minds to their own workings. With very great 
esteem and regard I am, &c. 



290 George Washington 

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 7 February, 1788. 

My DEAR Marquis, 

You know it always gives me the sincerest 
pleasure to hear from you, and therefore I need 
only say, that your two kind letters of the 9th and 
15th of October, so replete with personal affection 
and confidential intelligence, afforded me inexpres- 
sible satisfaction. * * * 

You appear to be, as might be expected from a 
real friend to this country, anxiously concerned 
about its present political situation. So far as I 
am able, I shall be happy in gratifying that friendly 
sohcitude. As to my sentiments with respect 
to the merits of the new constitution, I will dis- 
close them without reserve, (although by passing 
through the post-office they should become known 
to all the world,) for in truth I have nothing to 
conceal on that subject. It appears to me, then, 
little short of a miracle, that the delegates from so 
many different States (which States you know are 
also different from each other), in their manners, 
circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in 
forming a system of national government, so little 
liable to well-founded objections. Nor am I yet 
such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating 
admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with 
some real (though not radical) defects. The lim- 
its of a letter would not suffer me to go fully 
into an examination of them; nor would the dis- 
cussion be entertaining or profitable. I therefore 



Marquis de Lafayette 291 

forbear to touch upon it. With regard to the two 
great points, (the pivots upon which the whole 
machine must move,) my creed is simply, 

1st. That the general government is not invested 
with more powers, than are indispensably neces- 
sary to perform the functions of a good govern- 
ment; and consequently, that no objection ought to 
be made against the quantity of power delegated 
to it. 

2ly. That these powers, (as the appointment 
of all rulers will for ever arise from, and at short, 
stated intervals recur to, the free suffrage of the 
people,) are so distributed among the legislative, 
executive, and judicial branches, into which the 
general government is arranged, that it can never 
be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an 
oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or 
oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any 
virtue in the body of the people. 

I would not be understood, my dear Marquis, to 
speak of consequences, which may be produced in 
the revolution of ages, by corruption of morals, 
profligacy of manners, and listlessness for the pres- 
ervation of the natural and unalienable rights of 
mankind, nor of the successful usurpations, that 
may be established at such an unpropitious junc- 
ture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently 
guarded and secured; as these are contingencies 
against which no human prudence can effectually 
provide. It vdll at least be a recommendation to 
the proposed constitution, that it is provided with 
more checks and barriers against the introduction 



292 George Washington 

of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be 
surmounted, than any government hitherto in- 
stituted among mortals hath possessed. We are 
not to expect perfection in this world; but man- 
kind, in modern times, have apparently made some 
progress in the science of government. Should 
that, which is now offered to the people of America, 
be found on experiment less perfect than it can be 
made, a constitutional door is left open for its 
amelioration. 

Some respectable characters have wished, that 
the States, after having pointed out whatever al- 
terations and amendments may be judged neces- 
sary, would appoint another federal convention to 
modify it upon those documents. For myself, I 
have wondered, that sensible men should not see 
the impracticability of this scheme. The members 
would go fortified with such instructions, that no- 
thing but discordant ideas could prevail. Had I 
but slightly suspected, at the time when the late 
convention was in session, that another convention 
would not be likely to agree upon a better form of 
government, I should now be confirmed in the 
fixed belief that they would not be able to agree 
upon any system whatever; so many, I may add, 
such contradictory and in my opinion unfounded 
objections have been urged against the system in 
contemplation, many of which would operate 
equally against every efficient government, that 
might be proposed. I will only add, as a further 
opinion founded on the maturest deliberation, that 
there is no alternative, no hope of alteration, no 



Marquis de Lafayette 293 

intermediate resting-place, between the adoption 
of this, and a recurrence to an unquaHfied state 
of anarchy, with all its deplorable consequen- 



ces. 



* * * 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 28 April, 1788. 

* * * I notice with pleasure the additional 
immunities and facilities in trade, which France 
has granted by the late royal arret to the United 
States. I flatter myself it will have the desired 
effect in some measure of augmenting the commer- 
cial intercourse. From the productions and wants 
of the two countries, their trade with each other is 
certainly capable of [too?] great amelioration to be 
actuated by a spirit of unwise policy. For so surely 
as ever we shall have an efficient government estab- 
lished, so surely will that government impose re- 
taliating restrictions, to a certain degree, upon the 
trade of Britain. At present, or under our exist- 
ing form of confederation, it would be idle to think 
of making commercial regulations on our part. 
One State passes a prohibitory law respecting some 
article, another State opens wide the avenue for 
its admission. One Assembly makes a system, an- 
other Assembly unmakes it. Virginia, in the very 
last session of her legislature, was about to have 
passed some of the most extravagant and prepos- 
terous edicts on the subject of trade, that ever 
stained the leaves of a legislative code. It is in 
vain to hope for a remedy of these, and innumerable 



294 George Washington 

other evils, until a general government shall be 
adopted. 

The conventions of six States only have as 
yet accepted the new constitution. No one has 
rejected it. It is believed that the convention 
of Maryland, which is now in session, and that of 
South Carolina, which is to assemble on the 12th of 
May, will certainly adopt it.^ It is also since the 
elections of members of the convention have taken 
place in this State, more generally believed, that it 
will be adopted here, than it was before those elec- 
tions were made. There will, however, be power- 
ful and eloquent speeches on both sides of the 
question in the Virginia convention; but as Pen- 
dleton, Wythe, Blair, Madison, Jones, Nicholas, 



1 " Since I had the pleasure of writing to you by the last 
Packet, the Convention of Maryland has ratified the federal 
Constitution by a majority of 63 to 11 voices. That makes the 
seventh State which has adopted it. Next Monday the Conven- 
tion in Virginia will assemble — we have still good hopes of its 
adoption here, though by no great plurality of votes. South 
Carolina has probably decided favorably before this time. The 
plot thickens fast. A few short weeks will determine the po- 
litical fate of America for the present generation, and prob- 
ably produce no small influence on the happiness of society 
through a long succession of ages to come. Should every thing 
proceed with harmony and consent according to our actual 
wishes and expectations, I will confess to you sincerely, my 
dear Marquis, it will be so much beyond any thing we had a 
right to imagine or expect eighteen months ago, that it will 
demonstrate as visibly the finger of Providence, as any possible 
event in the course of human affairs can ever designate it. It 
is impracticable for you or any one who has not been on the 
spot, to realise the change in men's minds and the progress to- 
wards rectitude in thinking and acting which will then have 
been made." — Washington to the Marquis de Lafayette, 28 
May, 1788. 



Marquis de Lafayette 295 

Innes, and many other of our first characters, will 
be advocates for its adoption, you may suppose 
the weight of abilities will rest on that side. 
Henry and Mason are its great adversaries. The 
governor, if he approves it at all, will do it feebly. 

On the general merits of this proposed constitu- 
tion, I wrote to you some time ago my sentiments 
pretty freely. That letter had not been received 
by you, when you addressed to me the last of yours, 
which has come to my hands. I had never sup- 
posed that perfection could be the result of accom- 
modation and mutual concession. The opinion of 
Mr. Jefferson and yourself is certainly a wise one, 
that the constitution ought by all means to be ac- 
cepted by nine States before any attempt should be 
made to procure amendments; for, if that accept- 
ance shall not previously take place, men's minds 
will be so much agitated and soured, that the dan- 
ger will be greater than ever of our becoming a 
disunited people. Whereas, on the other hand, 
with prudence in temper and a spirit of modera- 
tion, every essential alteration may in the process 
of time be expected. 

You will doubtless have seen, that it was owing 
to this conciliatory and patriotic principle, that the 
convention of Massachusetts adopted the constitu- 
tion in totOj but recommended a number of specific 
alterations, and quieting explanations as an early, 
serious, and unremitting subject of attention. 
Now, although it is not to be expected, that every 
individual in society will or can be brought to agree 
upon what is exactly the best form of government, 



296 George Washington 

yet there are many things in the constitution, which 
only need to be explained, in order to prove equally 
satisfactory to all parties. For example, there was 
not a member of the convention, I believe, who had 
the least objection to what is contended for by the 
advocates for a Bill of Rights and Trial by Jury. 
The first, where the people evidently retained 
every thing, which they did not in the express terms 
give up, was considered nugatory, as you will find 
to have been more fully explained by Mr. Wilson 
and others; and, as to the second, it was only the 
difficulty of establishing a mode, which should not 
interfere with the fixed modes of any of the States, 
that induced the convention to leave it as a matter 
of future adjustment. 

There are other points in which opinions would 
be more likely to vary. As for instance, on the 
ineligibility of the same person for president, after 
he should have served a certain course of years. 
Guarded so effectually as the proposed constitu- 
tion is, in respect to the prevention of bribery and 
undue influence in the choice of president, I confess 
I differ widely myself from Mr. Jefferson and 
you, as to the necessity or expediency of rotation 
in that appointment. The matter was fairly dis- 
cussed in the convention, and to my full conviction, 
though I cannot have time or room to sum up the 
argument in this letter. There cannot in my judg- 
ment be the least danger, that the president will by 
any practicable intrigue ever be able to continue 
himself one moment in office, much less perpetuate 
himself in it, but in the last stage of corrupted 



Marquis de Lafayette 297 

morals and political depravity ; and even then, there 
is as much danger that any other species of domina- 
tion would prevail. Though, when a people shall 
have become incapable of governing themselves, 
and fit for a master, it is of little consequence from 
what quarter he comes. Under an extended view 
of this part of the subject, I can see no propriety 
in precluding ourselves from the services of any 
man, who on some great emergency shall be deemed 

universally most capable of serving the public. 

* * * 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1788. 

My dear Marquis, 

* * * I like not much the situation of affairs 
in France. The bold demands of the parliaments, 
and the decisive tone of the King, show that but 
little more irritation would be necessary to blow 
up the spark of discontent into a flame, that might 
not easily be quenched. If I were to advise, I 
should say that great moderation should be used on 
both sides. Let it not, my dear Marquis, be con- 
sidered as a derogation from the good opinion, that 
I entertain of your prudence, when I caution you, 
as an individual desirous of signalizing yourself in 
the cause of your country and freedom, against 
running into extremes and prejudicing your cause. 
The King, though, I think from every thing I have 
been able to learn, he is really a good-hearted 
though a warm-spirited man, if thwarted injudici- 



298 George Washington 

ously in the execution of prerogatives that belonged 
to the crown, and in plans which he conceives cal- 
culated to promote the national good, may disclose 
qualities he has been little thought to possess. On 
the other hand, such a spirit seems to be awakened 
in the kingdom, as, if managed with extreme pru- 
dence, may produce a gradual and tacit revolution 
much in favor of the subjects, by abolishing lettres 
de cachet^ and defining more accurately the powers 
of government. It is a wonder to me, there should 
be found a single monarch, who does not realize 
that his own glory and felicity must depend on the 
prosperity and happiness of his people. How easy 
is it for a sovereign to do that, which shall not only 
immortalize his name, but attract the blessings of 
millions. 

In a letter I wrote you a few days ago by Mr. 
Barlow, but which might not possibly have reached 
New York until after his departure, I mentioned 
the accession of Maryland to the proposed govern- 
ment, and gave you the state of politics to that 
period. Since which the convention of South Caro- 
lina has ratified the constitution by a great ma- 
jority. That of this State has been sitting almost 
three weeks; and, so nicely does it appear to be 
balanced, that each side asserts that it has a pre- 
ponderancy of votes in its favor. It is probable, 
therefore, the majority will be small, let it fall on 
whichever part it may. I am inclined to believe it 
Mill be in favor of the adoption. The conventions 
of New York and New Hampshire both assemble 
this week. A large proportion of members, with 



Marquis de Lafayette 299 

the governor at their head, in the former, are said 
to be opposed to the government in contemplation. 
New Hampshire, it is thought, will adopt it with- 
out much hesitation or delay. It is a little strange, 
that the men of large property in the south should 
be more afraid that the constitution will produce 
an aristocracy or a monarchy, than the genuine 
democratical people of the east. Such are our 
actual prospects. The accession of one State more 
will complete the number, which, by the constitu- 
tional provision, will be sufficient in the first in- 
stance to carry the government into effect. 

And then, I expect, that many blessings will be 
attributed to our new government, which are now 
taking their rise from that industry and frugality, 
into the practice of which the people have been 
forced from necessity. I really believe, that there 
never was so much labor and economy to be found 
before in the country as at the present moment. If 
they persist in the habits they are acquiring, the 
good effects will soon be distinguishable. When 
the people shall find themselves secure under an 
energetic government, when foreign nations shall 
be disposed to give us equal advantages in com- 
merce from dread of retaliation, when the burdens 
of war shall be in a manner done away by the sale 
of western lands, when the seeds of happiness which 
are sown here shall begin to expand themselves, 
and when every one, (under his own vine and fig- 
tree,) shall begin to taste the fruits of freedom, 
then all these blessings (for all these blessings 
will come) will be referred to the fostering in- 



300 George Washington 

fluence of the new government. Whereas many 
causes will have conspired to produce them. You 
see I am not less enthusiastic than I ever have been, 
if a belief that peculiar scenes of felicity are re- 
served for this country is to be denominated 
enthusiasm. Indeed, I do not believe, that Provi- 
dence has done so much for nothing. It has always 
been my creed, that we should not be left as an 
awful monument to prove, " that mankind, under 
the most favorable circumstances for civil liberty 
and happiness, are unequal to the task of govern- 
ing themselves, and therefore made for a master." 
We have had a backward spring and summer, 
with more rain and cloudy weather than almost 
ever has been known; still the appearance of crops 
in some parts of the country is favorable, as we 
may generally expect will be the case, from the 
difference of soil and variety of climate in so exten- 
sive a region; insomuch that I hope, some day or 
another, we shall become a storehouse and granary 
for the world. In addition to our former channels 
of trade, salted provisions, butter, and cheese are 
exported with profit from the eastern States to the 
East Indies. In consequence of a contract, large 
quantities of flour are lately sent from Baltimore 
for supplying the garrison of Gibraltar. I am, &c. 



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 

Mount Vernon, 31 August, 1788. 
Sir, 
* * * The merits and defects of the proposed 



Thomas Jefferson 301 

constitution have been largely and ably discussed. 
For myself, I was ready to have embraced any 
tolerable compromise, that was competent to save 
us from impending ruin; and I can say there are 
scarcely any of the amendments, which have been 
suggested, to which I have much objection, except 
that which goes to the prevention of direct taxa- 
tion. And that, I presume, will be more strenu- 
ously advocated and insitsed upon hereafter, than 
any other. I had indulged the expectation, that 
the new government would enable those entrusted 
with its administration to do justice to the public 
creditors, and retrieve the national character. But, 
if no means are to be employed but requisitions, 
that expectation was vain, and we may as well re- 
cur to the old confederation. If the system can 
be put in operation, without touching much the 
pockets of the people, perhaps it may be done ; but, 
in my judgment, infinite circumspection and pru- 
ence are yet necessary in the experiment. It is 
nearly impossible for anybody who has not been 
on the spot, (from any description) to conceive 
what the delicacy and danger of our situation 
have been. Though the peril is not past en- 
tirely, thank God the prospect is somewhat 
brightening. 

You will probably have heard, before the receipt 
of this letter, that the general government has been 
adopted by eleven States, and that the actual Con- 
gress have been prevented from issuing their ordi- 
nance for carrying it into execution, in consequence 
of a dispute about the place at which the future 



302 George Washington 

Congress shall meet. It is probable, that Phila- 
delphia or New York will soon be agreed upon. 

I will just touch on the bright side of our na- 
tional state, before I conclude; and we may per- 
haps rejoice, that the people have been ripened by 
misfortune for the reception of a good govern- 
ment. They are emerging from the gulf of dissi- 
pation and debt, into which they had precipitated 
themselves at the close of the war. Economy and 
industry are evidently gaining ground. Not only 
agriculture, but even manufactures, are much more 
attended to than formerly. Notwithstanding the 
shackles under which our trade in general labors, 
commerce to the East Indies is prosecuted with 
considerable success. Salted provisions and other 
produce, (particularly from Massachusetts,) have 
found an advantageous market there. The voy- 
ages are so much shorter, and the vessels are navi- 
gated at so much less expense, that we may hope 
to rival and supply, (at least through the West 
Indies,) some part of Europe with commodities 
from thence. This year the exports from Massa- 
chusetts have amounted to a great deal more than 
their imports. I wish this was the case every- 
where. * * * 



IV 
Starting the New Government 

We rejoice, and with us all America, 
that in obedience to the call of our com- 
mon country you have returned once 
more to public life. In you all parties 
confide; in you all interests unite; and 
we have no doubt that your past ser- 
vices, great as they have been, will be 
equalled by your future exertions, and 
that your prudence and sagacity as a 
statesman will tend to avert the dan- 
gers to which we were exposed, to give 
stability to the present Government and 
dignity and splendor to that country 
which your skill and valor as a soldier 
so eminently contributed to raise to 
independence and empire. 

Reply of the Senate to Wash- 
ington's Inaugural Address. 



IV 
Starting the New Government 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

Mount Vernon, 3 October, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

In acknowledging the receipt of your candid 
and kind letter by the last post, little more is incum- 
bent upon me than to thank you sincerely for the 
frankness with which you communicated your sen- 
timents, and to assure you that the same manly 
tone of intercourse will always be more than barely 
welcome; indeed it will be highly acceptable to me. 
I am particularly glad in the present instance, that 
you have dealt thus freely and like a friend.^ 

1 " In answer to the observations you make on the probability 
of my election to the presidency, knowing me as you do, I need 
only say, that it has no enticing charms and no fascinating 
allurements for me. However, it might not be decent for me 
to say I would refuse to accept, or even to speak much about 
an appointment which may never take place; for, in so doing, 
one might possibly incur the application of the moral resulting 
from that fable, in which the fox is represented as inveighing 
against the sourness of the grapes, because he could not reach 
them. All that it will be necessary to add, my dear Marquis, 
in order to show my decided predilections is, that, (at my time 
of life and under my circumstances,) the increasing infirmities 

20 305 



3o6 George Washington 

Although I could not help observing, from sev- 
eral publications and letters, that my name had 
been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible 
the contingency which is the subject of your letter 
might happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a 
guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my 
best friends, (which I certainly hold in the highest 



of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me 
to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest 
man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambi- 
tion and fame, who have a keener relish for them, or who may 
have more years in store for the enjoyment." — Washington to 
the Marquis de Lafayette, 28 April, 1788. 

" I take it for granted. Sir, you have concluded to comply with 
■what will, no doubt, be the general call of your country in re- 
lation to the new government. You will permit me to say, 
that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its first 
operations. It is to little purpose to have introduced a system, 
if the weightiest influence is not given to its firm establishment 
in the outset." — Hamilton to Washington, 13 August, 1788. 

" On the delicate subject with which you conclude your letter 
[of August 13, 1788], I can say nothing, because the event 
alluded to may never happen, and because, in case it should oc- 
cur, it would be a point of prudence to defer forming one's ulti- 
mate and irrevocable decision, so long as new data might be 
afforded for one to act with the greater wisdom and propriety. 
I would not wish to conceal my prevailing sentiment from you; 
for you know me well enough, my good Sir, to be persuaded, 
that I am not guilty of affectation when I tell you, that it 
is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retire- 
ment on my own farm. Were it even indispensable, a different 
line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some others 
who are acquainted with my heart would acquit, the world 
and posterity might possibly accuse me [of] inconsistency and 
ambition. Still I hope I shall always possess firmness and 
virtue enough to maintain (what I consider the most enviable of 
all titles), the character of an honest man." — Washington to 
Hamilton, 28 August, 1788. 

" I should be deeply pained, my dear Sir, if your scruples 
in regard to a certain station should be matured into a resolu- 



Alexander Hamilton 307 

estimation,) rather than to hazard an imputation 
unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For, 
situated as I am, I could hardly bring the question 
into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even 
in the most confidential manner, without betray- 
ing, in my judgment, some impropriety of con- 
duct, or without feeling an apprehension, that a 



tion to decline it; though I am neither surprised at their ex- 
istence, nor can I but agree in opinion that the caution you 
observe in deferring the ultimate determination is prudent. I 
have, however, reflected maturely on the subject, and have come 
to a conclusion (in which I feel no hesitation), that every pub- 
lic and personal consideration will demand from you an ac- 
quiescence in what will certainly be the unanimous wish of your 
country. 

" The absolute retreat, which you meditated at the close of 
the late war, was natural and proper. Had the government 
produced by the revolution gone on in a tolerable train, it 
would have been most advisable to have persisted in that re- 
treat. But I am clearly of opinion, that the crisis, which 
brought you again into public view, left you no alternative but 
to comply; and I am equally clear in the opinion, that you are 
by that act pledged to take a part in the execution of the gov- 
ernment. I am not less convinced, that the impression of the 
necessity of your filling the station in question is so universal, 
that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting 
to it. But, even if this were not the case, a regard to your 
own reputation, as well as to the public good, calls upon you 
in the strongest manner to run that risk. 

" It cannot be considered as a compliment to say, that on 
your acceptance of the office of president, the success of the new 
government in its commencement may materially depend. 
Your agency and influence will be not less important in pre- 
serving it from the future attacks of its enemies, than they 
have been in recommending it in the first instance to the adop- 
tion of the people. Independent of all considerations drawn 
from this source, the point of light in which you stand at home 
and abroad will make an infinite difference in the respectability 
with which the government will begin its operations, in the 
alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. I 



3o8 George Washington 

premature display of anxiety might be construed 
into a vainglorious desire of pushing myself into 
notice as a candidate. Now, if I am not grossly 
deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice in 
case the electors, by giving their votes in favor of 
some other person, would save me from the dreaded 
dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. 

If that may not be, I am in the next place ear- 
nestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of 

forbear to mention considerations which might have a more 
personal application. What I have said will suffice for the in- 
ferences I mean to draw. 

" First ; in a matter so essential to the well-being of society 
as the prosperity of a newly instituted government, a citizen of 
so much consequence as yourself to its success has no option 
but to lend his services if called for. Permit me to say, it 
would be inglorious, in such a situation, not to hazard the 
glory, however great, which he might have previously acquired. 

" Secondly; your signature to the proposed system pledges 
your judgment for its being such an one as upon the whole 
was worthy of the public approbation. If it should miscarry, 
(as men commonly decide from success or the want of it) the 
blame will in all probability be laid on the system itself. And 
the framers of it will have to encounter the disrepute of having 
brought about a revolution in government, without substituting 
any thing that was worthy of the effort; they pulled down one 
Utopia, it will be said, to build up another. This view of the 
subject, if I mistake not, my dear Sir, will suggest to your 
mind greater hazard to that fame, which must be and ought 
to be dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system, 
than in affording it. I will only add, that in my estimate of the 
matter, that aid is indispensable. 

" I have taken the liberty to express these sentiments, and to 
lay before you my view of the subject. I doubt not the con- 
siderations mentioned have fully occurred to you, and I trust 
they will finally produce in your mind the same result which 
exists in mine. I flatter myself the frankness with which I 
have delivered myself will not be displeasing to you. It has 
been prompted by motives which you would not disapprove." — 
Hamilton to Washington, September, 1788. 



Alexander Hamilton 309 

knowing whether there does not exist a probability 
that the government would be just as happily and 
effectually carried into execution without my aid 
as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the 
previous information, which the circumstances will 
afford, and to determine (when the determination 
can with propriety be no longer postponed) accord- 
ing to the principles of right reason, and the dic- 
tates of a clear conscience, without too great a 
reference to the unforeseen consequences, which 
may affect my person or reputation. Until that 
period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, 
though I allow your sentiments to have weight in 
them; and I shall not pass by your arguments 
without giving them as dispassionate a considera- 
tion as I can possibly bestow upon them. 

In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever 
point of light I have been able to place it, I will 
not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear Sir, 
that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my 
mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I 
might, and perhaps must, ere long, be called to 
make a decision. You will, I am well assured, be- 
lieve the assertion, (though I have little expecta- 
tion it would gain credit from those who are less 
acquainted with me,) that, if I should receive the 
appointment, and if I should be prevailed upon to 
accept it, the acceptance would be attended with 
more diffidence and reluctance than I ever experi- 
enced before in my life. It would be, however, with 
a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever 
assistance might be in my power to promote the 



3IO George Washington 

public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and 
early period my services might be dispensed with, 
and that I might be permitted once more to retire, 
to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day 
of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity. 

But why these anticipations? If the friends to 
the constitution conceive that my administering the 
government will be a means of its acceleration and 
strength, is it not probable that the adversaries of 
it may entertain the same ideas, and of course make 
it an object of opposition? That many of this de- 
scription will become electors, I can have no doubt 
of, any more than that their opposition will ex- 
tend to any character, who, (from whatever cause,) 
would be likely to thwart their measures. It might 
be impolitic in them to make this declaration -pre- 
vious to the election; but I shall be out in my con- 
jectures if they do not act conformably thereto, and 
from the seeming moderation, by which they ap- 
pear to be actuated at present is neither more nor 
less than a finesse to lull and deceive. Their plan 
of opposition is systematized, and a regular inter- 
course, I have much reason to believe, between the 
leaders of it in the several States is formed to ren- 
der it more effectual. With sentiments of sincere 
regard and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.^ 

1 These views produced no change in the sentiments of 
Colonel Hamilton, in regard to the main topic of discussion. 
" I feel a conviction," said he in reply, " that you will finally 
see your acceptance to be indispensable. It is no compliment 
to say, that no other man can sufficiently unite the public opin- 
ion, or can give the requisite weight to the office, in the com- 
mencement of the government. These considerations appear to 



Benjamin Lincoln 311 

TO BENJAMIN LINCOLN 

Mount Vernon, 26 October, 1788. 

My Dear Sir, 

I have been lately favored with the receipt of 
your letters of the 24th and 30th of September, 
with their enclosures, and thank you sincerely for 
your free and friendly communications. As the 
period is now rapidly approaching, which must 
decide the fate of the new constitution, as to the 
manner of its being carried into execution, and 
probably as to its usefulness, it is not wonderful that 
we should all feel an unusual degree of anxiety on 
the occasion. I must acknowledge my fears have 
been greatly alarmed, but still I am not without 
hopes. From the good beginning, that has been 
made in Pennsylvania, a State from which much 
was to be feared, I cannot help foreboding well of 
the others. That is to say, I flatter myself a ma- 
jority of them will appoint federal members to 

me of themselves decisive. I am not sure that your refusal 
would not throw every thing into confusion. I am sure that 
it would have the worst effect imaginable. Indeed, as I hinted 
in a former letter, I think circumstances leave no option." 

Many of General Washington's correspondents touched upon 
the same subject; and he was made to understand from all 
quarters, that he was designated in the minds of the people 
as the first chief magistrate under the new constitution. In 
writing from Connecticut, Colonel Jonathan Trumbull said: 
" In the choice of president we have, I believe, no discordant 
voice. All minds are agreed, and every heart exults in the 
pleasing prospect of having their wishes so nobly gratified in 
this great appointment." — October 28th. And Governor John- 
son of Maryland wrote: "We cannot, Sir, do without you, and 
I and thousands more can explain to anybody but yourself why 
we cannot do without you." — October 10th. — Sparks. 



312 George Washington 

the several branches of the new government. I 
hardly should think that Massachusetts, Connecti- 
cut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, South 
Carolina, and Georgia would be for attempting 
premature amendments. Some of the rest may 
also, in all probability, be apprehensive of throw- 
ing our affairs into confusion by such ill-timed 
expedients. 

There will, however, be no room for the ad- 
vocates of the constitution to relax in their exer- 
tions; for, if they should be lulled into security, 
appointments of antifederal men may probably 
take place, and the consequences, which you so 
justly dread, be realized. Our Assembly is now 
in session. It is represented to be rather antifed- 
eral, but we have heard nothing of its doings. JVIr. 
Patrick Henry, Mr. R. H. Lee, and Mr. Madison 
are talked of for the senate.^ Perhaps as much op- 
position, or, in other words, as great an effort for 
early amendments, is to be apprehended from this 
State as from any but New York. The constant 
report is, that North Carolina will soon accede to 
the new Union. A new Assembly is just elected 
in Maryland, in which it is asserted the number of 
federalists greatly predominates; and, that being 
the case, we may look for favorable appointments, 
in spite of the rancor and activity of a few dis- 
contented and, I may say, apparently unprincipled 
men. 

1 Richard Henry Lee and Colonel Grayson, both of whom 
had opposed the adoption of the Constitution, were Virginia's 
first senators. 



Benjamin Lincoln 313 

I would willingly pass over in silence that part 
of your letter in which you mention the persons, 
who are candidates for the first two offices in the 
executive, if I did not fear the omission might seem 
to betray a want of confidence. Motives of deli- 
cacy have prevented me hitherto from conversing 
or writing on this subject, whenever I could avoid 
it with decency. I may, however, with great sin- 
cerity, and I believe without offending against 
modesty or propriety, say to you, that I most 
heartily wish the choice to which you allude may 
not fall upon me; and that, if it should, I must re- 
serve to myself the right of making up my final de- 
cision at the last moment, when it can be brought 
into one view, and when the expediency or inex- 
pediency of a refusal can be more judiciously de- 
termined than at present. But be assured, my 
dear Sir, if from any inducement I shall be per- 
suaded ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far 
as I know my own heart) from any of a private or 
personal nature. Every personal consideration 
conspires to rivet me (if I may use the expression) 
to retirement. At my time of life, and under my 
circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw 
me from it, unless it be a conviction that the par- 
tiality of my countrymen had made my services 
absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my re- 
fusal might induce a belief that I preferred the 
conservation of my own reputation and private 
ease to the good of my country.^ After all, if 

'^ " Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increas- 
ing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing 



314 George Washington 

I should conceive myself in a manner constrained 
to accept, I call Heaven to witness, that this very 
act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal 
feelings and wishes, that ever I have been called 
upon to make. It would be to forego repose and 
domestic enjoyment, for trouble, perhaps for pub- 
lic obloquy; for I should consider myself as enter- 
ing upon an unexplored field enveloped on every 
side with clouds and darkness. 

From this embarrassing situation I had natur- 
ally supposed that my declarations at the close of 
the war would have saved me; and that my sincere 
intentions, then publicly made known, would have 
effectually precluded me for ever afterwards from 
being looked upon as a candidate for any office. 
This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness 
in old age, I had still carefully preserved; until the 
public papers, and private letters from my corre- 
spondents in almost every quarter, taught me to 



love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilec- 
tion for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no 
one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former repu- 
tation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new 
fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance 
[of the presidency] ; but a belief, that some other person, who 
had less pretence and less inclination to be excused, could exe- 
cute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. * * * 
You will perceive, my dear Sir, by what is here observed, (and 
which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confi- 
dential communication,) that my inclinations will dispose and 
decide me to remain as I am, unless a clear and insurmountable 
conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very 
disagreeable consequences must, in all human probability, result 
from the indulgence of my wishes." — Washington to Henry 
Lee, 22 September, 1788. 



Benjamin Lincoln 315 

apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer 
the question, whether I would go again into public 
life or not. 

You will see, my dear Sir, from this train of re- 
flections, that I have lately had enough of my own 
perplexities to think of, without adverting much to 
the affairs of others. So much have I been other- 
wise occupied, and so little agency did I wish to 
have in electioneering, that I have never entered 
into a single discussion with any person, nor, to 
the best of my recollection, expressed a single sen- 
timent, orally or in writing, respecting the appoint- 
ment of a vice-president. From the extent and 
respectability of Massachusetts, it might reason- 
ably be expected, that he would be chosen from that 
State. But, having taken it for granted, that the 
person selected for that important place would be 
a true federalist, in that case I was altogether dis- 
posed to acquiesce in the prevailing sentiments of 
the electors, without giving any unbecoming pre- 
ference, or incurring any unnecessary ill will. 
Since it here seems proper to touch a little more 
fully upon that point, I will frankly give you 
my manner of thinking, and what, under certain 
circumstances, would be my manner of acting. 

For this purpose I must speak again hypotheti- 
cally for argument's sake, and say, supposing I 
should be appointed to the administration, and 
supposing I should accept it, I most solemnly de- 
clare, that whosoever shall be found to enjoy the 
confidence of the States, so far as to be elected vice- 
president, cannot be disagreeable to me in that 



31 6 George Washington 

office.^ And, even if I had any predilection, I 
flatter myself I possess patriotism enough to sac- 
rifice it at the shrine of my country; where it will 
be unavoidably necessary for me to have made in- 
finitely greater sacrifices, before I can find myself 
in the supposed predicament, that is to say, before 
I can be connected with others in any possible po- 
litical relation. In truth I believe, that I have no 
prejudices on the subject, and that it would not 
be in the power of any evil-minded persons, who 
wished to disturb the harmony of those concerned 
in the government, to infuse them into my mind. 
For, to continue the same hypothesis one step 
farther, supposing myself to be connected in office 
with any gentleman of character, I would most cer- 
tainly treat him with perfect sincerity and the 
greatest candor in every respect. I would give 
him my full confidence, and use my utmost en- 
deavors to cooperate with him in promoting and 
rendering permanent the national prosperity. 
This should be my great, my only aim, under the 
fixed and irrevocable resolution of leaving to other 
hands the helm of the State, as soon as my services 
could possibly with propriety be dispensed with. 

I have thus, my dear Sir, insensibly been led into 
a longer detail than I intended, and have used more 
egotism than I could have wished, for which I urge 

1 " From different channels of information it seemed prob- 
able to me, even before the receipt of your letter, that Mr. John 
Adams would be chosen vice-president. He will doubtless make 
a very good one; and let whoever may occupy the first seat, I 
shall be entirely satisfied with that arrangement for filling the 
second office." — Washington to Knox, 1 January, 1789, 



Marquis de Lafayette 317 

no other apology, than but my opinion of your 
friendship, discretion, and candor. I am, &c. 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 29 January, 1789. 

My dear Marquis, 

* * * The choice of senators, representatives, 
and electors, which (excepting in that of the last 
description) took place at different times in the 
different States, has afforded abundant topics for 
domestic news since the beginning of autumn. I 
need not enumerate the several particulars, as I 
imagine you see most of them detailed in the 
American gazettes. I will content myself with 
only saying, that the elections have been hitherto 
vastly more favorable than we could have expected, 
that federal sentiments seem to be growing with 
uncommon rapidity, and that this increasing una- 
nimity is not less indicative of the good disposi- 
tion than the good sense of the Americans. Did 
it not savor so much of partiality for my country- 
men, I might add, that I cannot help flattering 
myself, that the new Congress, on account of the 
self-created respectability and various talents of 
its members, will not be inferior to any Assembly 
in the world. From these and some other circum- 
stances I really entertain greater hopes, that 
America will not finally disappoint the expecta- 
tions of her friends, than I have at almost any 
former period. Still, however, in such a fickle 



3i8 George Washington 

state of existence I would not be too sanguine in 
indulging myself with the contemplation of scenes 
of uninterrupted prosperity, lest some unforeseen 
mischance or perverseness should occasion the 
greater mortification, by blasting the enjoyment in 
the very bud. 

I can say Httle or nothing new, in consequence of 
the repetition of your opinion, on the expediency 
tliere will be for my accepting the office to which 
you refer. Your sentiments, indeed, coincide much 
more nearly with those of my other friends, than 
with my own feelings. In truth my difficulties in- 
crease and magnify as I draw towards the period, 
when, according to the common belief, it will be 
necessary for me to give a definitive answer, in one 
way or another. Should circumstances render it 
in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affir- 
mative, be assured, my dear Sir, I shall assume the 
task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with 
a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive 
no credit from the world. If I know my own 
heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will 
induce me again to take an active part in public 
affairs; and, in that case, if I can form a plan for 
my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremit- 
tingly exerted, (even at the hazard of former fame 
or present popularity,) to extricate my country 
from the embarrassments in which it is entangled 
through want of credit; and to establish a general 
system of policy, which if pursued will ensure per- 
manent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I 
see a path as clear and as direct as a ray of light. 



Marquis de Lafayette 319 

which leads to the attainment of that object. 
Nothing hut harmony, honesty, industry, and 
frugality are necessary to make us a great and 
happy people. Happily the present posture of 
affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my coun- 
trymen, promise to cooperate in establishing those 
four great and essential pillars of public felicity. 

What has been considered at the moment as a 
disadvantage, will probably turn out for our good. 
While our commerce has been considerably cur- 
tailed, for want of that extensive credit formerly 
given in Europe, and for default of remittance, 
the useful arts have been almost imperceptibly 
pushed to a considerable degree of perfection. 

Though I would not force the introduction of 
manufactures, by extravagant encouragements, 
and to the prejudice of agriculture, yet I conceive 
much might be done in that way by women, child- 
ren, and others, without taking one really neces- 
sary hand from tilling the earth. Certain it is, 
great savings are already made in many articles of 
apparel, furniture, and consumption. Equally 
certain it is, that no diminution in agriculture has 
taken place, at the time when greater and more 
substantial improvements in manufactures were 
making, than were ever before known in America. 
In Pennsylvania they have attended particularly 
to the fabrication of cotton cloths, hats, and all 
articles in leather. In Massachusetts, they are es- 
tablishing factories of duck, cordage, glass, and 
several other extensive and useful branches. The 
number of shoes made in one town, and nails in 



320 George Washington 

another, is incredible. In that State and Con- 
necticut are also factories of superfine and other 
broadcloths. I have been writing to our friend 
General Knox this day to procure me homespun 
broadcloth of the Hartford fabric, to make a suit 
of clothes for myself. I hope it will not be a great 
while before it will be unfashionable for a gentle- 
man to appear in any other dress. Indeed, we 
have already been too long subject to British pre- 
judices. I use no porter or cheese in my family 
but such as is made in America. Both those arti- 
cles may now be purchased of an excellent quality. 
While you are quarrelling among yourselves in 
Europe, while one king is running mad, and others 
acting as if they were already so, by cutting the 
throats of the subjects of their neighbors, I think 
you need not doubt, my dear Marquis, we shall 
continue in tranquillity here, and that population 
will be progressive so long as there shall continue 
to be so many easy means for obtaining a sub- 
sistence, and so ample a field for the exertion of 
talents and industry. All my family join in com- 
pliments to Madame de Lafayette and yourself. 
Adieu. 



INAUGURAL SPEECH 
TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, APRH. 30, 1789 



Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives: 
Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event 



Inaugural Speech 321 

could have filled me with greater anxieties, than 
that of which the notification was transmitted by 
youi' order, and received on the 14th day of the 
present month. On the one hand, I was summoned 
by my country, whose voice I can never hear but 
with veneration and love, from a retreat which I 
had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in 
my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, 
as the asylum of my declining years; a retreat 
which was rendered every day more necessary as 
well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to 
inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my 
health to the gradual waste committed on it by 
time. On the other hand, the magnitude and dif- 
ficulty of the trust, to which the voice of my coun- 
try called me, being sufficient to awaken in the 
wisest and most experienced of her citizens a dis- 
trustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not 
but overwhelm with despondence one, who, inherit- 
ing inferior endowments from nature, and unprac- 
tised in the duties of civil administration, ought to 
be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In 
this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it 
has been my faithful study to collect my duty from 
a just appreciation of every circumstance by which 
it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that, if 
in executing this task, I have been too much swayed 
by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or 
by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent 
proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens; and 
have thence too little consulted my incapacity as 
well as disinclination for the weighty and untried 



322 George Washington 

cares before me; my error will be palliated by the 
motives which misled me, and its consequences be 
judged by my country with some share of the par- 
tiality in which they originated. 

Such being the impressions under which I have, 
in obedience to the pubUc summons, repaired to 
the present station, it would be peculiarly im- 
proper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent 
supplications to that Almighty Being, who rules 
over the universe, who presides in the councils of 
nations, and whose providential aids can supply 
every human defect, that his benediction may con- 
secrate to the liberties and happiness of the people 
of the United States a government instituted by 
themselves for these essential purposes, and may 
enable every instrument employed in its adminis- 
tration to execute with success the functions allotted 
to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great 
Author of every public and private good, I assure 
myself that it expresses your sentiments not less 
than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at 
large, less than either. No people can be bound to 
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which 
conducts the affairs of men, more than the people 
of the United States. Every step, by which they 
have advanced to the character of an independent 
nation, seems to have been distinguished by some 
token of providential agency. And, in the im- 
portant revolution just accomplished in the system 
of their united government, the tranquil delibera- 
tions and voluntary consent of so many distinct 
communities, from which the event has resulted, 



Inaugural Speech 323 

cannot be compared with the means by which most 
governments have been estabHshed, without some 
return of pious gratitude along with an humble an- 
ticipation of the future blessings which the past 
seems to presage. These reflections, arising out 
of the present crisis, have forced themselves too 
strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will 
join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are 
none, under the influence of which the proceedings 
of a new and free government can more auspici- 
ously commence. 

By the article establishing the executive depart- 
ment, it is made the duty of the President " to rec- 
ommend to your consideration such measures as 
he shall judge necessary and expedient." The cir- 
cumstances, under which I now meet you, will ac- 
quit me from entering into that subject farther 
than to refer you to the great constitutional char- 
ter under which we are assembled; and which, in 
defining your powers, designates the objects to 
which your attention is to be given. It will be 
more consistent with those circumstances, and far 
more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, 
to substitute, in place of a recommendation of par- 
ticular measures, the tribute that is due to the 
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which 
adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt 
them. In these honorable qualifications I behold 
the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local 
prejudices or attachments, no separate views or 
party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive 
and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great 



324 George Washington 

assemblage of communities and interests; so, on 
another, that the foundations of our national policy 
will be laid in the pure and immutable principles 
of private morality, and the pre-eminence of a free 
government be exemplified by all the attributes, 
which can win the affections of its citizens, and 
command the respect of the world. 

I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction, 
which an ardent love for my country can inspire; 
since there is no truth more thoroughly established, 
than that there exists in the economy and course of 
nature an indissoluble union between virtue and 
happiness, between duty and advantage, between 
the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous 
policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity 
and felicity ; since we ought to be no less persuaded 
that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be 
expected on a nation that disregards the eternal 
rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has 
ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred 
fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican 
model of government, are justly considered as 
deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experi- 
ment intrusted to the hands of the American 
people. 

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your 
care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, 
how far an exercise of the occasional power dele- 
gated by the fifth article of the Constitution is 
rendered expedient at the present juncture by the 
nature of objections which have been urged against 
the system, or by the degree of inquietude which 



Inaugural Speech 325 

has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking 
particular recommendations on this subject, in 
which I could be guided by no lights derived from 
official opportunities, I shall again give way to my 
entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit 
of the public good ; for I assure myself, that, whilst 
you carefully avoid every alteration, which might 
endanger the benefits of a united and effective gov- 
ernment, or which ought to await the future lessons 
of experience; a reverence for the characteristic 
rights of freemen, and a regard for the public 
harmony, will sufficiently influence your delibera- 
tions on the question, how far the former can be 
more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely 
and advantageously promoted. 

To the preceding observations I have one to add, 
which will be most properly addressed to the House 
of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will 
therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first 
honored with a call into the service of my country, 
then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its lib- 
erties, the light in which I contemplated my duty 
required, that I should renounce every pecuniary 
compensation. From this resolution I have in no 
instance departed. And being still under the im- 
pressions which produced it, I must decline as in- 
applicable to myself any share in the personal 
emoluments, w^hich may be indispensably included 
in a permanent provision for the executive depart- 
ment; and must accordingly pray, that the pecun- 
iary estimates for the station in which I am placed 
may, during my continuance in it, be limited to 



326 George Washington 

such actual expenditures as the pubUc good may 
be thought to require. 

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as 
they have been awakened by the occasion which 
brings us together, I shall take my present leave; 
but not without resorting once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, 
that, since he has been pleased to favor the Ameri- 
can people with opportunities for deliberating in 
perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding 
with unparalleled unanimity on a form of govern- 
ment for the security of their uijion and the ad- 
vancement of their happiness ; so his divine blessing 
may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, 
the temperate consultations, and the wise measures, 
on which the success of this government must 
depend. 



REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE ^ 

8 May, 1789. 

Gentlemen, 

I thank you for your address, in which the most 
affectionate sentiments are expressed in the most 

1 After the delivery of the President's Inaugural Address, the 
Senate and the House of Representatives each sent to him ad- 
dresses in reply. Their character and tone may be inferred 
from these sentences from the answer of the Senate: 

"Sir: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our 
sincere thanks for your excellent speech delivered to both 
Houses of Congress, congratulate you on the complete organi- 
zation of the Federal Government, and felicitate ourselves and 
our fellow-citizens on your elevation to the office of President, 
an office highly important by the powers constitutionally an- 



Reply to Answer of Senate 327 

obliging terms. The coincidence of circumstances, 
which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence 
reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assist- 
ance I may expect from counsels, which will be 
dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy, seem to 
presage a more prosperous issue to my administra- 
tion, than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me 
to anticipate. I now feel myself inexpressibly 
happy in a belief, that Heaven, which has done so 
much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its 
providential influence before our political felicity 
shall have been completed ; and in a conviction that 
the Senate will at all times co-operate in every 
measure which may tend to promote the welfare of 
this confederated republic. 

Thus supported by a firm trust in the great Ar- 
biter of the universe, aided by the collected wisdom 
of the Union, and imploring the divine benediction 
on our joint exertions in the service of our country, 
I readily engage with you in the arduous but pleas- 
ing task of attempting to make a nation happy. 



nexed to it and extremely honorable from the manner in which 
the appointment is made." 

After expressing their pleasure that he had again entered 
public life, and assuring him of their support in carrying out 
the policy which he had indicated, the address concludes: 

" We commend you, sir, to the protection of Almighty God, 
earnestly beseeching Him long to preserve a life so valuable and 
dear to the people of the United States, and that your Admin- 
istration may be prosperous to the nation and glorious to 
yourself." 

The full text of the answers of the two houses may be 
found in Richardson, The Messages and Papers of the Presi- 
dents, i., 54, 56. 



328 George Washington 

REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRE- 
SENTATIVES ^ 

8 May, 1789. 

Gentlemen, 

Your very affectionate address produces emo- 
tions, which I know not how to express. I feel, 
that my past endeavors in the service of my coun- 
try are far overpaid by its goodness; and I fear 
much, that my future ones may not fulfil your 
kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that 
they will be invariably directed by an honest and 
an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures 
me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and 
patriotism of those with whom I am to co-operate, 
and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on 
our beloved country. 



SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, 

JANUARY 8, 1790 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House op Repre- 
sentatives : 

I embrace with great satisfaction the opportu- 
nity, which now presents itself, of congratulating 
you on the present favorable prospects of our pub- 

1 The answer of the House of Representatives began with 
these words: 

" Sir: The Representatives of the people of the United States 
present their congratulations on the event by which your fel- 
low-citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You 
have long held the first place in their esteem. You have often 
received tokens of their affection. You now possess the only 
proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of 



Speech to Congress 329 

lie affairs. The reeent aceession of the important 
State of North Carohna to the constitution of the 
United States (of which official information has 
been received), the rising credit and respectability 
of our country, and the general and increasing 
good will towards the government of the Union, 
and the concord, peace, and plenty, with which we 
are blessed, are circumstances auspicious, in an 
eminent degree, to our national prosperity. 

In resuming your consultations for the general 
good, you cannot but derive encouragement from 
the reflection, that the measures of the last session 
have been as satisfactory to your constituents, as 
the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you 
to hope. Still further to realize their expectations, 
and to secure the blessings, which a gracious Provi- 
dence has placed within our reach, will, in the course 
of the present important session, call for the cool 
and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firm- 
ness, and wisdom. 

Among the many interesting objects, which will 
engage your attention, that of providing for the 
common defence will merit particular regard. To 
be prepared for war is one of the most effectual 
means of preserving peace. 

A free people ought not only to be armed, but 
disciplined; to which end a uniform and well-di- 
gested plan is requisite; and their safety and in- 

their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in 
your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the truest, honor 
of being the first Magistrate by the unanimous choice of the 
freest people on the face of the earth." — Richardson, The Mes- 
sages and Papers of the Presidents, \., 56. 



33^ Geore^e Washins^ton 



terest require, that they should promote such 
manufactories as tend to render them independent 
of others for essential, particularly for military, 
supplies. 

The proper establishment of the troops, which 
may be deemed indispensable, will be entitled to 
mature consideration. In the arrangements which 
may be made respecting it, it will be of importance 
to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers 
and soldiers with a due regard to economy. 

There was reason to hope, that the pacific meas- 
ures, adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes 
of Indians, would have relieved the inhabitants of 
our southern and western frontiers from their de- 
predations. But you will perceive, from the in- 
formation contained in the papers, which I shall 
direct to be laid before you, (comprehending a 
communication from the commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia,) that we ought to be prepared to afford 
protection to those parts of the Union, and, if 
necessary, to punish aggressors. 

The interest of the United States requires, that 
our intercourse with other nations should be facili- 
tated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfil 
my duty in that respect, in the manner which cir- 
cumstances may render most conducive to the 
public good; and, to this end, that the compensa- 
tions, to be made to the persons who may be 
employed, should, according to the nature of their 
appointments, be defined by law, and a competent 
fund designated for defraying the expenses in- 
cident to the conduct of our foreign affairs. 



Speech to Congress 33 1 

Various considerations also render it expedient, 
that the terms, on which foreigners may be ad- 
mitted to the rights of citizens, should be speedily 
ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization. 

Uniformity in the currency, weight, and meas- 
ures of the United States is an object of great 
importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly 
attended to. 

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and 
manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I 
trust, need recommendation. But I cannot for- 
bear intimating to you the expediency of giving 
effectual encouragement, as well to the introduc- 
tion of new and useful inventions from abroad, as 
to the exertions of skill and genius in producing 
them at home; and of facilitating the intercourse 
between the distant parts of our country by a due 
attention to the post-office and post-roads. 

Nor am I less persuaded, that you will agree 
with me in opinion, that there is nothing which can 
better deserve your patronage than the promotion 
of science and literature. Knowledge is in every 
country the surest basis of public happiness. In 
one, in which the measures of government receive 
their impression so immediately from the sense of 
the community, as in ours, it is proportionably 
essential. To the security of a free constitution it 
contributes in various ways; by convincing those 
who are intrusted with the public administration, 
that every valuable end of government is best an- 
swered by the enlightened confidence of the people ; 
and by teaching the people themselves to know. 



33^ George Washington 

and to value their own rights; to discern and pro- 
vide against invasions of them; to distinguish 
between oppression and the necessary exercise of 
lawful authority, between burthens proceeding 
from a disregard to their convenience and those 
resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; 
to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of 
licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, 
and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance 
against encroachments, with an inviolable respect 
to the laws. 

\^Tiether this desirable object will be the best 
promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learn- 
ing already established, by the institution of a 
national university, or by any other expedients, 
will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations 
of the legislature. 

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: 

I saw with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the 
last session, the resolution entered into by you, ex- 
pressive of your opinion, that an adequate provis- 
ion for the support of the public credit is a matter 
of high importance to the national honor and pros- 
perity. In this sentiment I entirely concur. And 
to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to 
devise such a provision as will be truly consistent 
with the end, I add an equal reliance on the cheer- 
ful co-operation of the other branch of the leg- 
islature. It would be superfluous to specify 
inducements to a measure, in which the character 
and permanent interests of the United States are 



David Stuart 333 

so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which 
has received so explicit a sanction from your 
declaration. 

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: 

I have directed the proper officers to lay before 
j"Ou respectively such papers and estimates as re- 
gard the affairs particularly recommended to your 
consideration, and necessary to convey to you that 
information of the State of the Union, which it is 
my duty to afford. 

The welfare of our country is the great object 
to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed ; 
and I shall derive great satisfaction from a co- 
operation with you in the pleasing though arduous 
task of insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings 
which they have a right to expect from a free, effi- 
cient, and equal government. 



TO DAVID STUART 

New York, 28 March, 1790. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * I am sorry such jealousies as you speak 
of should be gaining ground, and are poisoning the 
minds of the southern people;^ but admit the fact, 

1 From Dr. Stuart's Letter. — " A spirit of jealousy, which 
may become dangerous to the Union, towards the eastern States, 
seems to be growing fast among us. It is represented, that 
the northern phalanx is so firmly united, as to bear down all 
opposition, while Virginia is unsupported, even by those whose 
interests are similar to hers. It is the language of all I have 
seen on their return from New York. Colonel Lee tells me, 



334 George Washington 

which is alleged as the cause of them, and give it 
full scope, does it amount to more than what was 
known to every man of information before, at, and 
since the adoption of the constitution? Was it not 
always believed, that there are some points which 
peculiarly interest the eastern States? And did 
any one, who reads human nature, and more es- 
pecially the character of the eastern people, con- 
ceive that they would not pursue them steadily by 
a combination of their force? Are there not other 
points, which equally concern the southern States? 
If these States are less tenacious of their interest, 
or if, whilst the eastern move in a solid phalanx 
to effect their views, the southern are always di- 
vided, which of the two is most to be blamed ? That 
there is a diversity of interests in the Union none 
has denied. That this is the case, also, in every 
State is equally certain ; and that it even extends to 
the counties of individual States can be as readily 
proved. Instance the southern and northern parts 
of Virginia, the upper and lower parts of South 
Carolina, &c. Have not the interests of these al- 
ways been at variance? Witness the county of 
Fairfax. Have not the interests of the people of 
that county varied, or the inhabitants been taught 

that many, who were warm supporters of the government, are 
changing their sentiments, from a conviction of the impracti- 
cability of union with States, whose interests are so dissimilar 
to those of Virginia. I fear the Colonel is one of the number. 
The late applications to Congress, respecting the slaves, will 
certainly tend to promote this spirit. It gives particular um- 
brage, that the Quakers should be so busy in this business. 
That they will raise up a storm against themselves, appears to 
me very certain." Abingdon, Virginia, March 15th. — Sparks. 



David Stuart 335 

to believe so? These are well-known truths, and 
yet it did not follow, that separation was to result 
from the disagreement. 

To constitute a dispute there must be two par- 
ties. To understand it well, both parties, and all 
the circumstances, must be fully heard; and, to 
accommodate differences, temper and mutual for- 
bearance are requisite. Common danger brought 
the States into confederacy, and on their union our 
safety and importance depend. A spirit of ac- 
commodation was the basis of the present constitu- 
tion. Can it be expected, then, that the southern 
or the eastern parts of the empire will succeed in 
all their measures? Certainly not. But I will 
readily grant, that more points will be carried by 
the latter than the former, and for the reason which 
has been mentioned, namely, that, in all great na- 
tional questions, they move in unison, whilst the 
others are divided. But I ask again, which is most 
blameworthy, those who see, and will steadily pur- 
sue their interest, or those who cannot see, or, see- 
ing, will not act wisely? And I will ask another 
question, of the highest magnitude in my mind, 
to wit, if the eastern and northern States are dan- 
gerous in union, will they be less so in separation? 
If self-interest is their governing principle, will it 
forsake them, or be less restrained by such an 
event? I hardly think it would. Then, independ- 
ent of other considerations, what would Virginia, 
(and such other States as might be inclined to join 
her,) gain by a separation? Would they not, 
most unquestionably, be the M-eaker party? 



S3^ George Washington 

Men, who go from hence without feehng them- 
selves of so much consequence as they wished to be 
considered, and disappointed expectants, added to 
mahgnant, designing characters, who miss no op- 
portunity of aiming a blow at the constitution, 
paint highly on one side, without bringing into 
view the arguments, which are offered on the other. 

It is to be lamented, that the editors of the differ- 
ent gazettes in the Union do not more generally 
and more correctly (instead of stuffing their papers 
with scurrility and nonsensical declamation, which 
few would read if they were apprized of the con- 
tents,) publish the debates in Congress on all great 
national questions. And this, with no uncommon 
pains, every one of them might do. The princi- 
ples upon which the difference of opinion arises, 
as well as the decisions, would then come fully 
before the public, and afford the best data for its 
judgment. * * * 

The memorial of the Quakers (and a very mal- 
apropos one it was) has at length been put to sleep, 
and will scarcely awake before the year 1808.^ 

I am, dear Sir, &c. 

1 The Quakers at their annual meetings held in New York and 
Philadelphia in 1789 had petitioned Congress to adopt meas- 
ures for the abolition of the slave-trade. These petitions were 
referred to a committee who brought in a series of resolu- 
tions which after considerable amendment were adopted by the 
House of Representatives in this form: 

" That the migration or importation of such persons as any 
of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot 
be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year 1808. 

" That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emanci- 
pation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of the 



David Humphreys 337 

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS 

Philadelphia, 20 July, 1791. 

My dear Sir, 

I have received your letters of the 16th of Febru- 
ary and 3d of May, and am much obHged by your 
observations on the situation, manners, customs, 
and dispositions of the Spanish nation. In this age 
of free inquiry and enhghtened reason, it is to be 
hoped, that the condition of the people in every 
country will be bettered, and the happiness of man- 
kind promoted. Spain appears to be so much be- 
hind the other nations of Europe in Uberal policy, 
that a long time will undoubtedly elapse, before 
the people of that kingdom can taste the sweets of 
liberty, and enjoy the natural advantages of their 
country. 

In my last I mentioned my intention of visiting 
the southern States, which I have since accom- 
plished, and have the pleasure to inform you, that 
I performed a journey of eighteen hundred and 
eighty-seven miles without meeting with any in- 
terruption by sickness, bad weather, or any unto- 
ward accident. Indeed, so highly were we favored, 
that we arrived at each place, where I proposed to 

States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide 
any regulations therein, which humanity and true policy may 
require. 

" That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of 
the United States from carrying on the African trade, for the 
purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing, 
by proper regulations, for the humane treatment, during their 
passage, of slaves imported by the said citizens into the States 
admitting such importation." — Annals of Congress, First Con- 
gress, ii., 1474. 



33^ George Washington 

make any halt, on the very day I fixed upon before 
we set out. The same horses performed the whole 
tour; and although much reduced in flesh, kept up 
their full spirits to the last day. 

I am much pleased that I have taken this jour- 
ney, as it has enabled me to see with my own eyes 
the situation of the country through which we 
travelled, and to learn more accurately the disposi- 
tion of the people than I could have done by any 
information. 

The country appears to be in a very improving 
state, and industry and frugaHty are becoming 
much more fashionable than they have hitherto 
been there. Tranquillity reigns among the people, 
with that disposition towards the general govern- 
ment, which is likely to preserve it. They begin to 
feel the good effects of equal laws and equal pro- 
tection. The farmer finds a ready market for his 
produce, and the merchant calculates with more 
certainty on his payments. Manufactures have 
as yet made but little progress in that part of the 
country, and it will probably be a long time before 
they are brought to that state, to which they have 
already arrived in the middle and eastern parts of 
the Union. 

Each day's experience of the government of the 
United States seems to confirm its establishment, 
and to render it more popular. A ready acqui- 
escence in the laws made under it shows in a strong 
light the confidence, which the people have in their 
representatives, and in the upright views of those, 
who administer the government. At the time of 



David Humphreys 339 

passing a law imposing a duty on home-made 
spirits, it was vehemently affirmed by many, that 
such a law could never be executed in the southern 
States, particularly in Virginia and North Caro- 
lina. As this law came in force only on the 1st of 
this month, little can be said of its effects from ex- 
perience; but, from the best information I could 
get on my journey, respecting its operation on the 
minds of the people, (and I took some pains to ob- 
tain information on this point,) there remains no 
doubt but it will be carried into effect, not only 
without opposition, but with very general appro- 
bation in those very parts where it was foretold, 
that it would never be submitted to by any one. 
It is possible, however, and perhaps not improb- 
able, that some demagogue may start up, and 
produce and get signed some resolutions declara- 
tory of their disapprobation of the measure. 

Our public credit stands on that ground, which 
three years ago it would have been considered as a 
species of madness to have foretold. The astonish- 
ing rapidity, with which the newly instituted bank 
was filled, gives an unexampled proof (here) of the 
resources of our countrymen, and their confidence 
in public measures. On the first day of opening the 
subscription, the whole number of shares (twenty 
thousand) were taken up in one hour, and appli- 
cation made for upwards of four thousand shares 
more than were granted by the institution, besides 
many others that were coming in from different 
quarters. 

For some time past the western frontiers have 



340 George Washington 

been alarmed by depredations committed by some 
hostile tribes of Indians; but such measures are 
now in train as will, I presume, either bring them 
to sue for peace before a stroke is struck at them, 
or make them feel the effects of an enmity too 
sensibly to provoke it again unnecessarily, unless, 
as is much suspected, they are countenanced, abet- 
ted, and supported in their hostile views by the 
British. Though I must confess I cannot see much 
prospect of living in tranquillity with them, so 
long as a spirit of land- jobbing prevails, and 
our frontier settlers entertain the opinion, that 
there is not the same crime (or indeed no crime 
at all) in killing an Indian as in killing a white 
man. 

You have been informed of the spot fixed on for 
the seat of government on the Potomac; and I am 
now happy to add, that all matters between the pro- 
prietors of the soil and the public are settled to the 
mutual satisfaction of the parties, and that the 
business of laying out the city, the grounds for 
public buildings, walks, &c. is progressing under 
the inspection of Major L'Enfant with pleasing 
prospects. 

Thus much for our American affairs. And I 
wish I could say as much in favor of circumstances 
in Europe. But our accounts from thence do 
not paint the situation of the inhabitants in very 
pleasing colors. One part exhibits war and de- 
vastations, another preparations for war, a third 
commotions, a fourth direful apprehensions of 
commotions; and indeed there seems to be scarcely 



Alexander Hamilton 341 

a nation enjoying uninterrupted, unapprehensive 
tranquillity. 

The example of France will undoubtedly have its 
effects on other kingdoms. Poland, by the public 
papers, appears to have made large and unexpected 
strides towards liberty, which, if true, reflects great 
honor on the present King, who seems to have been 
the principal promoter of the business. * * * 



TO ALEXANDEE HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE 
TREASURY 

[private and confidential] 

Mount Vernon, 29 July, 1792. 

My deae Sir, 

I have not yet received the new regulations of 
allowances to the surveyors or collectors of the 
duties on spirituous Hquors; but this by the by. 
My present purpose is to write you a letter on 
a more interesting and important subject. I do 
it in strict confidence, and with frankness and 
freedom. 

On my way home, and since my arrival here, I 
have endeavored to learn from sensible and mod- 
erate men, known friends to the government, the 
sentiments which are entertained of public meas- 
ures. These all agree, that the country is prosper- 
ous and happy, but they seem to be alarmed at that 
system of policy, and those interpretations of the 
constitution, which have taken place in Congress. 
Others less friendly, perhaps, to the government, 
and more disposed to arraign the conduct of its offi- 



342 George Washington 

cers (among whom may be classed my neighbor 
and quondam friend Colonel M[ason], go further, 
and enumerate a variety of matters, which, as well 
as I recollect, may be adduced under the following 
heads, viz.; 

1. " That the public debt is greater than we can pos- 
sibly pay, before other causes of adding new debt to it 
will occur; and that this has been artificially created by 
adding together the whole amount of the debtor and 
creditor sides of the accounts, instead of taking only 
their balances, which could have been paid off in a short 
time. 

2. '' That this accumulation of debt has taken for ever 
out of our power those easy sources of revenue, which, 
applied to the ordinary necessities and exigencies of 
government, would have answered them habitually, and 
covered us from habitual murmurings against taxes and 
tax-gatherers, reserving extraordinary calls for extraor- 
dinary occasions, which would animate the people to meet 
them. 

3. " That the calls for money have been no greater than 
we must generally expect for the same or equivalent 
exigencies, yet we are already obliged to strain the im- 
post till it produces clamor, and will produce evasion, 
and war on our own citizens to collect it; and even to re- 
sort to an excise law, of odious character with the people, 
partial in its operation, unproductive, unless enforced 
by arbitrary and vexatious means, and committing the 
authority of the government in parts where resistance 
is most probable and coercion least practicable. 

4. " They cite propositions in Congress, and suspect 
other projects on foot, still to increase the mass of the 
debt. 

5. " They say, that by borrowing at two thirds of the 
interest we might have paid off the jirincipal in two 



Alexander Hamilton 343 

thirds of the time; but that from this we are precluded 
by its being made irredeemable but in small portions 
and long terms, 

6. " That this irredeemable quality was given it for 
the avowed purpose of inviting its transfer to foreign 
countries. 

7. " They predict, that this transfer of the principal, 
when completed, will occasion an exportation of three 
millions of dollars annually for the interest, a drain of 
coin, of which as there has been no example, no calcula- 
tion can be made of its consequences. 

8. " That the banishment of our coin will be completed 
by the creation of ten millions of paper money in the 
form of bank bills, now issuing into circulation. 

9. " They think the ten or twelve per cent, annual 
profit, paid to the lenders of this paper medium, are 
taken out of the pocket of the people, who would have 
had without interest the coin it is banishing. 

10. " That all the capital employed in paper specula- 
tion is barren and useless, producing, like that on a 
gaming-table, no accession to itself, and is withdrawn 
from commerce and agriculture, where it would have 
produced an addition to the common mass. 

11. " That it nourishes in our citizens vice and idle- 
ness instead of industry and morality. 

12. " That it has furnished effectual means of corrupt- 
ing such a portion of the legislature, as turns the balance 
between the honest voters, whichever way it is directed. 

13. " That this corrupt squadron, deciding the voice 
of the legislature, have manifested their dispositions to 
get rid of the limitations imposed by the constitution 
on the general legislature; limitations, on the faith of 
which the States acceded to that instrument. 

14. " That the ultimate object of all this is to prepare 
the way for a change, from the present republican form 
of government to that of a monarchy, of which the Brit- 
ish constitution is to be the model. 



344 George Washington 

15. " That this was contemplated in the Convention 
they say is no secret, because its partisans have made 
none of it. To effect it then was impracticable, but they 
are still eager after their object, and are predisposing 
every thing for its ultimate attainment. 

16. " So many of them have got into the legislature 
that, aided by the corrupt squadron of paper-dealers, who 
are at their devotion, they make a majority in both 
houses. 

17. " The republican party, who wish, to preserve the 
government in its present form, are fewer, even when 
joined by the two, three, or half-dozen antifederalists, 
who, though they dare not avow it, are still opposed to 
any general government; but, being less so to a republi- 
can than a monarchical one, they naturally join those 
whom they think pursuing the lesser evil. 

18. " Of all the mischiefs objected to the system of 
measures before mentioned, none, they add, is so afflict- 
ing and fatal to every honest hope, as the corruption of 
the legislature. As it was the earliest of these measures, 
it became the instrument for producing the rest, and will 
be the instrument of producing in future a king, lords, 
and commons, or whatever else those who direct it may 
choose. Withdrawn such a distance from the eye of 
their constituents, and these so dispersed as to be inac- 
cessible to public information, and particularly to that 
of the conduct of their own representatives, they will 
form the worst government upon earth if the means of 
their corruption be not prevented. 

19. " The only hope of safety, they say, hangs now on 
the numerous representation, which is to come forward 
the ensuing year; but, should the majority of the new 
members be still in the same principles with the present, 
show so much dereliction of republican government, and 
such a disposition to encroach upon or explain away the 
limited powers of the constitution in order to change 
it, it is not easy to conjecture what would be the re- 



Alexander Hamilton 345 

suit, nor what means would be resorted to for the cor- 
rection of the evil. True wisdom, they acknowledge, 
should direct temperate and peaceable measures; but, 
they add, the division of sentiments and interest happens 
unfortunately to be so geographical, that no mortal can 
say that what is most wise and temperate would pre- 
vail against what is more easy and obvious. They 
declare they can contemplate no evil more incalculable, 
than the breaking of the Union into two or more parts; 
yet when they view the mass, which opposed the origi- 
nal coalescence, when they consider that it lay chiefly 
in the southern quarter, and that the legislature have 
availed themselves of no occasion of allaying it, but, 
on the contrary, whenever northern and southern pre- 
judices have come into conflict, the latter have been 
sacrificed and the former soothed. 

20. " That the owers of the debt are in the southern, 
and the holders of it in the northern division. 

21. " That the antifederal champions are now 
strengthened in argument by the fufilment of their 
predictions, which has been brought about by the mon- 
archical federalists themselves; who, having been for 
the new government merely as a stepping-stone to 
monarchy, have themselves adopted the very construc- 
tions of the constitution, of which, when advocating the 
acceptance before the tribunal of the people, they de- 
clared it unsusceptible; whilst the republican federalists, 
who espoused the same government for its intrinsic 
merits, are disarmed of their weapons, that which they 
denied as prophecy being now become true history. 
Who, therefore, can be sure, they ask, that these things 
may not proselyte the small number, which was want- 
ing to place the majority on the other side? And this, 
they add, is the event at which they tremble." ^ 

1 This is copied almost verbatim from a letter which the writer 
had recently received from Jefferson. — Sparks. Hamilton's ro 



346 George Washington 

These, as well as my memory serves me, are the 
sentiments, which directly and indirectly have been 
disclosed to me. To obtain light and to pursue 
truth being my sole aim, and wishing to have be- 
fore me explanations of, as well as the complaints 
on, measures, in which the public interest, har- 
mony, and peace is so deeply concerned, and my 
public conduct so much involved, it is my request, 
and you would oblige me by furnishing me with 
your ideas upon the discontents here enumerated; 
and for this purpose I have thrown them into heads 
or sections, and numbered them, that those ideas 
may be applied to the correspondent numbers. 
Although I do not mean to hurry you in giving 
your thoughts on occasion of this letter, yet, as 
soon as you can make it convenient to yourself, it 
would for more reasons than one be agreeable and 
very satisfactory to me. * * * 

With affectionate regard, I am, &c. 



TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, ATTORNEY-GENERAL 

[private] 
Mount Vernon, 26 August, 1792. 

My dear Sir, 

The purpose of this letter is merely to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of your favors of the 5th and 13th 
instant, and to thank you for the information in 
both, without entering into the details of either.^ 

ply is printed in his Works (Lodge), ii., 236, but is wrongly 
described as a " cabinet paper." — Ford. 

' Randolph had written urging him to accept a second term. 



Edmund Randolph 347 

With respect, however, to the interesting subject 
treated on in that of the 5th, I can express but one 
sentiment at this time, and that is a wish, a devout 
one, that, whatever my ultimate determination 
shall be, it may be for the best. The subject never 
recurs to my mind but with additional poignancy; 
and, from the declining state in the health of my 
nephew, to whom my concerns of a domestic and 
private nature are entrusted, it comes with ag- 
gravated force. But as the All- wise Disposer of 
events has hitherto watched over my steps, I trust, 
that, in the important one I may soon be called 
upon to take, he will mark the course so plainly, 
as that I cannot mistake the way. In full hope of 
this, I will take no measures yet a while, that will 
not leave me at liberty to decide from circimi- 
stances, and the best lights I can obtain on the 
subject. 

I shall be happy, in the mean time, to see a cessa- 
tion of the abuses of pubHc officers, and of those 
attacks upon almost every measure of government, 
with which some of the gazettes are so strongly 
impregnated; and which cannot fail, if persevered 
in with the malignancy with which they now teem, 
of rending the Union asunder. The seeds of dis- 
content, distrust, and irritation, which are so plen- 
tifully sown, can scarcely fail to produce this effect, 
and to mar that prospect of happiness, which per- 
haps never beamed with more effulgence upon any 
people under the sun; and this too at a time, when 
all Europe are gazing with admiration at the 
brightness of our prospects. And for what is all 



348 George Washington 

this? Among other things, to afford nuts for our 
transatlantic (what shall I call them?) foes. 

In a word, if the government and the officers of 
it are to be the constant theme for newspaper abuse, 
and this too without condescending to investigate 
the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, I 
conceive, for any man living to manage the helm 
or to keep the machine together. But I am run- 
ning from my text, and therefore will only add 
assurances of the affectionate esteem and regard, 
with which I am, &c. 



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETAHY OF STATE 

[private] 

18 October, 1792, 

My DEAR Sir, 

I did not require the evidence of the extracts, 
which you enclosed to me, to convince me of your 
attachment to the constitution of the United 
States, or of your disposition to promote the gen- 
eral welfare of this country; but I regret, deeply 
regret, the difference in opinions, which have arisen 
and divided you and another principal officer of the 
government; and wish devoutly there could be an 
accommodation of them by mutual yieldings.^ 

1 Hamilton and Jefferson took no pains to conceal the bitter- 
ness which had grown up between them. Jefferson wrote, 
" Hamilton and I were pitted against each other every day in 
the cabinet like two fighting cocks." Their hostility caused 
their chief a great deal of pain and anxiety. He tried in vain 
to reconcile them and persuade them to work together in har- 
mony. See his letters of August 23, 1792, to Jefferson and of 
August 26, 1792, to Hamilton in his Writings (Ford's edition). 



Thomas Jefferson 349 

A measure of this sort would produce harmony 
and consequent good in our pubHc councils. The 
contrary will inevitably introduce confusion and 
serious mischiefs; and for what? Because mankind 
cannot think alike, but would adopt different means 
to attain the same ends. For I will frankly and 
solemnly declare, that I believe the views of both 
of you to be pure and well-meant, and that experi- 
ence only will decide, with respect to the salubrity 
of the measures, which are the subjects of dispute. 
Why, then, when some of the best citizens in the 
United States, men of discernment, uniform and 
tried patriots, who have no sinister views to pro- 
mote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and 
acting, are to be found, some on one side and some 
on the other of the questions, which have caused 
these agitations, should either of you be so tena- 
cious of your opinions, as to make no allowances for 
those of the other? I could, and indeed was about 
to add more on this interesting subject, but will 
forbear, at least for the present, after expressing 
a wish, that the cup, which has been presented to 
us may not be snatched from our lips by a discord- 
ance of action, when I am persuaded there is no 
discordance in your views. I have a great, a sin- 
cere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently 
wish that some line could be marked out by which 
both of you could walk. I am, always, &c.^ 

xii., 171, 176. The opposition between the two leaders ex- 
tended to their followers, and was influential in the formation 
of our first political parties, the Federalists and the Republicans. 
1 This letter was in answer to a brief one from Mr. Jeffer- 
son, accompanying extracts from letters written by him to 



35° George Washington 

SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS 

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE CHAMBER, PHILADELPHIA, 

MARCH 4, 1793 

Fellow-Citizens : 

I am again called upon, by the voice of my 
country, to execute the functions of its Chief 
Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it 
shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high 
sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of 
the confidence which has been reposed in me by the 
people of United America. Previous to the exe- 
cution of any official act of the President, the Con- 
stitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am 
now about to take and in your presence; that, if it 
shall be found during my administration of the 
government, I have in any instance violated will- 
ingly or knowingly the injunction thereof, I may, 
besides incurring constitutional punishment, be sub- 
ject to the upbraiding of all who are now witnesses 
of the present solemn ceremony. 



TO HENRY LEE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 
[private] 

Philadelphia, 21 July, 1793. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * The communications in your letter were 
pleasing and grateful; for, although I have done 

different persons, and giving his views of the Constitution as 
expressed soon after that instrument was adopted by the gen- 
eral convention. For the letters containing these extracts, see 
Jefferson's Writings, vol. ii., p. 290. North American Review, 
vol. XXV., p. 268. — Sparks. 



Henry Lee 351 

no public act with which my mind upbraids me, 
yet it is higlily satisfactory to learn, that the things 
which I do, of an interesting tendency to the peace 
and happiness of this country, are generally ap- 
proved by my fellow citizens. But, were the case 
otherwise, I should not be less inclined to know 
the sense of the people upon every matter of great 
public concern; for, as I have no wish superior to 
that of promoting the happiness and welfare of 
this country, so, consequently, it is only for me to 
know the means to accomplish the end, if it be 
within the compass of my powers. 

That there are in this, as well as in all other coun- 
tries, discontented characters, I well know; as also 
that these characters are actuated by very different 
views; some good, from an opinion that the meas- 
ures of the general government are impure; some 
bad, and, if I might be allowed to use so harsh an 
expression, diabolical, inasmuch as they are not 
only meant to impede the measures of that govern- 
ment generally, but more especially, (as a great 
mean towards the accomplishment of it,) to de- 
stroy the confidence, which it is necessary for the 
people to place, (until they have unequivocal proof 
of demerit,) in their public servants. For in this 
light I consider myself, whilst I am an occupant 
of office; and, if they were to go further and call 
me their slave, during this period, I would not dis- 
pute the point. 

But in what will this abuse terminate? The 
result, as it respects myself, I care not; for I have 
a consolation within, that no earthly efforts can 



352 George Washington 

deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambitious 
nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. 
The arrows of malevolence, therefore, however, 
barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most 
vulnerable part of me; though, whilst I am up 
as a mark, they will be continually aimed. The 
publications in Freneau's and Bache's papers are 
outrages on common decency ; and they progress in 
that style, in proportion as their pieces are treated 
with contempt, and are passed by in silence, by 
those at whom they are aimed. The tendency of 
them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by 
men of cool and dispassionate minds, and, in my 
opinion, ought to alarm them; because it is difficult 
to prescribe bounds to the effect. * * * 



TO DAVID HUMPHREYS 

Philadelphia, 12 June, 1796. 

My dr. Humphreys — 

I could not suffer Captain O'Brien to return 
without carrying along with him this evidence of 
my continued regard and friendship for you. In 
expressing of which I shall be concise, for a long 
and interesting session closed only the first day of 
this month — many laws which require immediate 
attention and execution; added to a preparation 
for a journey to Mount Vernon (tomorrow) for a 
little relaxation from the unpleasant scenes which 
have been and are continually presenting them- 



David Humphreys 353 

selves to my view, will not, however well disposed 
I might otherwise be, permit me to be profuse. 

From the office of State you will receive every 
thing that relates to business; and the gazettes, 
which I presume accompany the despatches, will 
bring you pretty well acquainted with the state of 
politics and of parties in this country; and shew 
you in what manner I am attacked for a steady 
opposition to every measure which has a tendency 
to disturb the peace and tranquillity of it. But 
these attacks, unjust and unpleasant as they are, 
will occasion no change in my conduct; nor will 
they work any other effect in my mind, than to in- 
crease the anxious desire which has long possessed 
my breast to enjoy in the shades of retirement the 
consolation of having rendered my country every 
service my abilities were competent to, uninfluenced 
by pecuniary or ambitious considerations as they 
respected myself, and without any attempt to pro- 
vide for my friends farther than their merits, ab- 
stractedly entitle them to — nor an attempt in any 
instance to bring a relation of mine into office. 
Malignity therefore may dart her shafts; but no 
earthly power can deprive me of the consolation 
of knowing that I have not in the course of my 
administration been guilty of a wilful error, how- 
ever numerous they may have been from other 
causes. When you shall think with the poet that 
" the post of honor is a private station," & may be 
inclined to enjoy yourself in my shades — (I do not 
mean the shades below where, if you put it off 
long, I may be) I can only tell you that you will 



354 George Washington 

meet with the same cordial reception at Mount 
Vernon that you have always experienced at that 
place, and that I am, &c. 



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 

Mount Vernon, 6 July, 1796. 

Dear Sir, 

When I inform you, that your letter of the 19th 
ultimo ^ went to Philadelphia and returned to this 
place before it was received by me, it will be ad- 
mitted, I am persuaded, as an apology for my not 
having acknowledged the receipt of it sooner. 

If I had entertained any suspicions before, that 
the queries, which have been published in B ache's 
paper, proceeded from you, the assurances you have 
given of the contrary would have removed them; 
but the truth is, I harbored none.^ I am at no loss 

^ See this letter in Jefferson, Writings (Ford's edition), 
vii., 81, or (Washington's edition), iv., 141. 

2 Bache's paper, The Aurora, was conspicuous for its bitter 
attacks on Washington, whose retirement from the Presidency 
provoked the following effusion printed in the issue of March 
e, 1797: 

" * Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace,' was 
the pious ejaculation of a pious man who beheld a flood of hap- 
piness rushing in upon mankind. If ever there was a time 
that would license the reiteration of the ejaculation, that time 
has now arrived, for the man who is the source of all the 
misfortune of our country is this day reduced to a level with 
his fellow-citizens, and is no longer possessed of power to mul- 
tiply evils upon the United States. If ever there was a period 
for rejoicing, this is the moment. Every heart in unison with 
the freedom and happiness of the people ought to beat high 
with exultation that the name of Washington ceases from this 
day to give currency to political insults, and to legalize corrup- 
tion. A new era is now opening upon us, an era which promises 



Thomas Jefferson 355 

to conjecture from what source they flowed, through 
what channel they were conveyed, and for what 
purpose they and similar publications appear. 
They were known to be in the hands of Mr. Parker 
in the early part of the last session of Congress. 
They were shown about by Mr. Giles during the 
session, and they made their public exhibition about 
the close of it. 

Perceiving and probably hearing, that no abuse 
in the gazettes would induce me to take notice of 
anonymous publications against me, those, who 
were disposed to do me such friendly offices^ have 
embraced without restraint every opportunity to 
weaken the confidence of the people; and, by hav- 
ing the whole game in their hands, they have 
scrupled not to publish things that do not, as well 
as those which do exist, and to mutilate the latter, 
so as to make them subserve the purposes which 
they have in view. 

As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it 
would not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal, 
that your conduct has been represented as derogat- 
ing from that opinion / had conceived you enter- 



much to the people, for public measures must now stand upon 
their own merits, and nefarious projects can no longer be sup- 
ported by a name. When a retrospect has been taken of the 
Washingtonian administration for eight years, it is a subject of 
the gi-eatest astonishment that a single individual should have 
cankered the principles of republicanism in an enlightened peo- 
ple just emerged from the gulf of despotism, and should have 
carried his designs against the public liberty so far as to have 
put in jeopardy its very existence. Such, however, are the 
facts, and with these staring us in the face, the day ought to 
be a JUBILEE in the United States." 



356 George Washington 

tained of me; that, to your particular friends and 
connexions you have described and they have de- 
nounced, me as a person under a dangerous in- 
fluence; and that, if I would listen more to some 
other opinions, all would be well. ]My answer in- 
variably has been, that I had never discovered any 
tiling in the conduct of ]\Ir. Jefferson to raise sus- 
picions in my mind of his insincerity; that, if he 
would retrace my pubHc conduct while he was in 
the administration, abundant proofs would occur 
to him, that truth and right decisions were the sole 
objects of my pursuit; that there were as many in- 
stances within his own knowledge of my having 
decided against as in favor of the opinions of the 
person evidently alluded to; and, moreover, that I 
was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or 
measures of any man living. In short, that I was 
no party man myself, and the first ^dsh of my heart 
was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. 

To this I may add, and yery truly, that, until 
within the last year or two, I had no conception 
that parties would or even could go the length I 
have been witness to; nor did I believe until lately, 
that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly 
within those of possibility, that, while I was using 
my utmost exertions to establish a national char- 
acter of our own, independent, as far as our obliga- 
tions and justice would permit, of every nation of 
the earth, and wished, by steering a steady course, 
to preserve this country from the horrors of a deso- 
lating war, I should be accused of being the enemy 
of one nation, and subject to the influence of an- 



Patrick Henry 357 

other; and, to prove it, that every act of my ad- 
ministration would be tortured, and the grossest 
and most insidious misrepresentations of them be 
made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that 
too in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could 
scarcely be applied to a Xero, a notorious defaul- 
ter, or even to a common pickpocket. But enough 
of this, I have already gone further in the expres- 
sion of my feelings than I intended/ * * * 



TO PATRICK HEXRY 
[confidential] 

Mount Vernon, 15 January, 1799. 

Deab Sm, 

At the threshold of this letter I ought to make an 
apolog}- for its contents; but, if you will give me 
credit for my motives, I will contend for no more, 
however erroneous my sentiments may appear to 
you. 

It would be a waste of time to attempt to bring 
to the view of a person of your obser^'ation and 
discernment, the endeavors of a certain party 
among us to disquiet the public mind among us 

^ No correspondence after this date between Washington and 
Jefferson appears in the letter-books, except a brief note the 
month following upon an unimportant matter. It has been 
reported and believed that letters or papers, supposed to have 
passed between them, or to relate to their intercourse \sith 
each other at subsequent dates, were secretly withdrawn from 
the archives of Mount Vernon after the death of the former. 
Concerning this fact, no positive testimony remains, either for 
or against it, among Washington's papers as they came into 
my hands. — Sparks. 



358 George Washington 

with unfounded alarms ; to arraign every act of the 
administration; to set the people at variance with 
their government; and to embarrass all its meas- 
ures. Equally useless would it be to predict what 
must be the inevitable consequences of such policy, 
if it cannot be arrested. 

Unfortunately, and extremely do I regret it, 
the State of Virginia has taken the lead in this 
opposition. I have said the State, because the 
conduct of its legislature in the eyes of the world 
will authorize the expression, because it is an in- 
controvertible fact, that the principal leaders of the 
opposition dwell in it, and because no doubt is en- 
tertained I believe, that, with the help of the chiefs 
in other States, all the plans are arranged and sys- 
tematically pursued by their followers in other 
parts of the Union, though in no State except Ken- 
tucky, that I have heard of, has legislative coun- 
tenance been obtained beyond Virginia.^ 

It has been said that the great mass of the 
citizens of this State are well- affected, notwith- 
standing, to the general government and the 
Union; and I am willing to believe it, nay, do be- 
lieve it; but how is this to be reconciled with their 
suffrages at the elections of representatives, both 
to Congress and their State legislature, who are 

1 Allusion is here made to the Virginia and Kentucky Reso- 
lutions, which were adopted in opposition to the Alien and 
Sedition laws, and which asserted the right of the States to 
determine whether or not an act of Congress was constitutional. 
They were submitted to the other States with an invitation 
to join in the protest, but the response was in every case un- 
favorable. The replies of the States may be found in Ames, 
State Documents on Federal Relations, 16-26. 



Patrick Henry 359 

men opposed to the first, and by the tendency of 
their measures would destroy the latter? Some 
among us have endeavored to account for this in- 
consistency, and, though convinced themselves of 
its truth, they are unable to convince others, who 
are unacquainted with the internal policy of the 
State. 

One of the reasons assigned is, that the most re- 
spectable and best qualified characters amongst us 
will not come forward. Easy and happy in their 
circumstances at home, and believing themselves 
secure in their liberties and property, [they] will 
not forsake their occupations, and engage in the 
turmoil of public business, or expose themselves to 
the calumnies of their opponents, whose weapons 
are detraction. 

But, at such a crisis as this, when every thing 
dear and valuable to us is assailed; when this party 
hangs upon the wheels of government as a dead 
weight, opposing every measure that is calculated 
for defence and self-preservation, abetting the 
nefarious views of another nation upon our rights, 
preferring, as long as they durst contend openly 
against the spirit and resentment of the people, 
the interest of France to the welfare of their own 
country, justifying the first at the expense of the 
latter; when every act of their own government is 
tortured, by constructions they will not bear, into 
attempts to trample and infringe upon the con- 
stitution with a view to introduce monarchy; when 
the most unceasing and the purest exertions, which 
were making to maintain a neutrality, proclaimed 



36o George Washington 

by the executive, approved unequivocally by Con- 
gress, by the State legislatures, nay, by the people 
themselves in various meetings, and to preserve the 
country in peace, are charged as a measure calcu- 
lated to favor Great Britain at the expense of 
I'rance, and all those, who had any agency in it 
are accused of being under the influence of the 
former and her pensioners ; when measures are sys- 
tematically and pertinaciously pursued, which must 
eventually dissolve the Union or produce coercion; 
I say, when these things are become so obvious, 
ought characters who are best able to rescue their 
country from the pending evil to remain at home? 
Rather ought they not to come forward, and by 
their talents and influence stand in the breach, 
which such conduct has made on the peace and hap- 
piness of this country, and oppose the widening 
of it? 

Vain will it be to look for peace and happiness, 
or for the security of liberty or property, if civil dis- 
cord should ensue. And what else can result from 
the policy of those among us, who, by all the meas- 
ures in their power, are driving matters to extrem- 
ity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually? 
The views of men can only be known, or guessed 
at, by their words or actions. Can those of the 
leaders of opposition be mistaken, then, if judged 
by this rule? That they are followed by numbers, 
who are unacquainted with their designs, and sus- 
pect as little the tendency of their principles, I am 
fully persuaded. But, if their conduct is viewed 
with indifference, if there is activity and misrepre- 



Patrick Henry 361 

sentation on one side, and supineness on the other, 
their numbers accumulated by intriguing and dis- 
contented foreigners under proscription, who were 
at war with their own governments, and the greater 
part of them with all governments, they will in- 
crease, and nothing short of Omniscience can fore- 
tell the consequences. 

I come now, my good Sir, to the object of my 
letter, which is, to express a hope and an earnest 
wish, that you will come forward at the ensuing 
elections (if not for Congress, which you may think 
would take you too long from home), as a candi- 
date for representative in the General Assembly of 
this commonwealth. 

There are, I have no doubt, very many sensible 
men, who oppose themselves to the torrent, that 
carries away others who had rather swim with than 
stem it without an able pilot to conduct them; but 
these are neither old in legislation, nor well known 
in the community. Your weight of character and 
influence in the House of Representatives would 
be a bulwark against such dangerous sentiments, 
as are delivered there at present. It would be a 
rallying-point for the timid, and an attraction of 
the wavering. In a word, I conceive it of immense 
importance at this crisis, that you should be there; 
and I would fain hope, that all minor considera- 
tions will be made to jaeld to the measure. 

If I have erroneously supposed that your senti- 
ments on these subjects are in unison with mine, or 
if I have assumed a liberty, which the occasion does 
not warrant, I must conclude as I began, with pray- 



362 George Washington 

ing that my motives may be received as an apology, 
and that my fear, that the tranquiUity of the Union, 
and of this State in particular, is hastening to an 
awful crisis, has extorted them from me. 

With great and very sincere regard and respect, 
I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, &c. 



Policies and Opinions 

Washington stands alone and unap- 
proachable, like a snow-peak rising 
above its fellows into the clear air of 
morning, with a dignity, constancy, 
and purity which have made him the 
ideal type of civic virtue to succeeding 
generations. No greater benefit could 
have befallen the Republic than to have 
such a type set from the first before 
the eye and mind of the people. 

Jambs Brycb. 



363 



V 

Policies and Opinions 



1. Relations with Great Britain 



TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 

New York, 13 October, 1789. 

Sir, 

It being important to both countries, that the 
treaty of peace between Great Britain and the 
United States should be observed and performed 
with perfect and mutual good faith, and that a 
treaty of commerce should be concluded by them, 
on principles of reciprocal advantage to both, I 
wish to be ascertained of the sentiments and inten- 
tions of the court of London on these interesting 
subjects. 

It appears to me most expedient to have these 
inquiries made informally, by a private agent; and, 
understanding that you will soon be in London, I 
desire you in that capacity, and on the authority 
and credit of this letter, to converse with his Bri- 
tannic Majesty's ministers on these points, namely, 
whether there be any and what objections to per- 

365 



366 George Washington 

forming those articles in the treaty, which remain 
to be performed on his part; and whether they in- 
cHne to a treaty of commerce with the United States 
on any and what terms. 

This communication ought regularly to be made 
to you by the Secretary of State ; but, that office not 
being at present filled, my desire of avoiding de- 
lays induces me to make it under my own hand. 
It is my wish to promote harmony and mutual sat- 
isfaction between the two countries; and it would 
give me great pleasure to find that the result of 
your agency, in the business now committed to you, 
will conduce to that end. I am. Sir, yours, &c. 



TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 

New York, 13 October, 1789. 

Sir, 

My letter to you, herewith enclosed, will give 
you the credence necessary to enable you to do 
the business, which it commits to your manage- 
ment, and which I am persuaded you will read- 
ily undertake. 

Your inquiries will commence by observing, that, 
as the present constitution of government, and of 
the courts established in pursuance of it, removes 
the objections heretofore made to putting the 
United States in possession of their frontier posts, 
it is natural to expect from the assurances of his 
Majesty and the national good faith, that no un- 
necessary delays will take place. Proceed then to 



Gouverneur Morris 367 

press a speedy performance of the treaty respect- 
ing that object. 

Remind them of the article by which it was 
agreed, that negroes belonging to our citizens 
should not be carried away, and of the reasonable- 
ness of making compensation for them. Learn 
with precision, if possible, what they mean to do on 
this head. 

The commerce between the two countries you 
well understand. You are apprized of the senti- 
ments and feelings of the United States on the 
present state of it; and you doubtless have heard, 
that, in the late session of Congress, a very re- 
spectable number of both houses were inclined to 
a discrimination of duties unfavorable to Britain, 
and that it would have taken place but for 
conciliatory considerations, and the probability 
that the late change in our government and 
circumstances would lead to more satisfactory 
arrangements. 

Request to be informed, therefore, whether they 
contemplate a treaty of commerce with the United 
States, and on what principles or terms in general. 
In treating this subject, let it be strongly im- 
pressed on your mind, that the privilege of carrying 
our productions in our vessels to their Islands, and 
of bringing in return the productions of those 
Islands to our own ports and markets, is regarded 
here as of the highest importance; and you will be 
careful not to countenance any idea of our dis- 
pensing with it in a treaty. Ascertain, if possible, 
their views on this point ; for it would not be expedi- 



368 George Washington 

ent to commence negotiations without previously 
having good reasons to expect a satisfactory ter- 
mination of them. 

It may also be well for you to take a proper 
occasion of remarking, that their omitting to send 
a minister here, when the United States sent one to 
London, did not make an agreeable impression on 
this country; and request to know what would be 
their future conduct on similar occasions. 

It is in my opinion very important, that we avoid 
errors in our system of policy respecting Great 
Britain; and this can only be done by forming a 
right judgment of their disposition and views. 
Hence you will perceive how interesting it is, that 
you obtain the information in question, and that 
the business be so managed, as that it may receive 
every advantage, which abilities, address, and deli- 
cacy can promise and afford. I am. Sir, yours, 
&c. 



TO JOHN JAY 

Philadelphia, 30 August, 1794. 

My dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 23d of June from London, 
and the duplicate, have both been received; and 
your safe arrival after so short a passage gave 
sincere pleasure, as well on private as on public 
account, to all your friends in this country; and to 
none in a greater degree, I can venture to assure 
you, than it did to myself.^ 

1 The conclusion of the treaty of peace between the United 
States and Great Britain did not leave the two countries on 



John Jay 369 

As you will receive letters from the Secretary of 
State's office, giving an official account of the pub- 
lic occurrences as they have arisen and progressed, 
it is unnecessary for me to retouch any of them; 
and yet I cannot restrain myself from making- 
some observations on the most recent of them, the 
communication of which was received this moaning 

cordial terms. The treaty itself was notoriously violated by 
both parties to it, and Great Britain refused to negotiate a 
treaty of commerce with her late enemy. The United States 
had despatched John Adams to London as its minister in 1785, 
but Great Britain did not accredit a minister to the United 
States until 1791, and even when he arrived it was found that 
he had no authority to negotiate a treaty. In 1793 war broke 
out between Great Britain and France, and American com- 
merce suffered at the hands of both countries. In June, 1793, 
British war vessels were directed to stop all vessels bound for 
France with grain and compel them to proceed to a British 
port. In the following November, this order was supplemented 
by another directing that all such vessels should be seized and 
sent to a British prize court. These orders were especially 
injurious to American commerce, and with other grievances 
threatened to precipitate a second war between the two coun- 
tries. In this situation, Washington determined to make an- 
other effort to obtain redress. " But," he said in a message to 
the Senate, " as peace ought to be pursued with unremit- 
ting zeal, before the last resource, which has so often been 
the scourge of nations, and cannot fail to check the advanced 
prosperity of the United States, I have thought proper to 
nominate, and do hereby nominate, John Jay as Envoy 
Extraordinary of the United States to His Britannic Majesty. 
My confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in London 
[Thomas Pinckney] continues undiminished. But a mission 
like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the oc- 
casion, will announce to the world a solicitude for the friendly 
adjustment of our complaints, and a reluctance to hostility. 
Going immediately from the United States, such an envoy will 
carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and 
sensibility of our country; and will thus be taught to vindicate 
our rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with sincerity." 
— Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, i., 153. 



370 George Washington 

only. I mean the protest of the governor of Upper 
Canada, deHvered by Lieutenant Sheaffe, against 
our occupying lands far from any of the posts, 
"which long ago they ought to have surrendered, and 
far within the known and until now the acknowl- 
edged limits of the United States. 

On this irregular and high-handed proceeding 
of Mr. Simcoe, which is no longer mashed, I would 
rather hear what the ministry of Great Britain will 
say, than pronounce my own sentiments thereon. 
•But can that government or will it attempt, af- 
ter this official act of one of their governors, to 
hold out ideas of friendly intentions towards the 
United States, and suffer such conduct to pass 
with impunity? 

This may be considered as the most open and 
daring act of the British agents in America, 
though it is not the most hostile or cruel; for there 
does not remain a doubt in the mind of any well- 
informed person in this country, not shut against 
conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter 
"with the Indians, their hostilities, the murders of 
helpless women and innocent children along our 
frontiers, result from the conduct of the agents of 
Great Britain in this country. In vain is it then 
for its administration in Britain to disavow having 
given orders, which will warrant such conduct, 
whilst their agents go unpunished; whilst we have 
a thousand corroborating circumstances, and in- 
deed almost as many evidences, some of which can- 
not be brought forward, to prove, that they are 
seducing from our alliance, and endeavoring to 



John Jay 371 

remove over the Hne, tribes that have hitherto been 
kept in peace and friendship with us at a heavy- 
expense, and who have no causes of complaint, ex- 
cept pretended ones of their creating; whilst they 
keep in a state of irritation the tribes, who are hos- 
tile to us, and are instigating those, who know 
little of us or we of them, to unite in the war against 
us; and whilst it is an undeniable fact, that they 
are furnishing the whole with arms, ammunition, 
clothing, and even provisions, to carry on the war; 
I might go further, and, if they are not much 
behed, add men also in disguise. 

Can it be expected, I ask, so long as these things 
are known in the United States, or at least firmly 
believed, and suffered with impunity by Great 
Britain, that there ever will or can be any cordiality 
between the two countries? I answer. No. And 
I will undertake, without the gift of prophecy, to 
j)redict, that it will be impossible to keep this coun- 
try in a state of amity with Great Britain long, if 
the posts are not surrendered. A knowledge of 
these being my sentiments would have little weight, 
I am persuaded, with the British administration, 
nor perhaps with the nation, in effecting the meas- 
ure; but both ma J'- rest satisfied, that, if they want 
to be in peace with this country, and to enjoy the 
benefits of its trade, to give up the posts is the 
only road to it. Withholding them, and the conse- 
quences we feel at present continuing, war will be 
inevitable. 

This letter is written to you in extreme haste, 
whilst the papers respecting this subject I am writ- 



372 George Washington 

ing on are copying at the Secretary of State's 
office, to go by express to New York, for a vessel 
which we have just heard sails to-morrow. You 
will readily perceive, therefore, I had no time for 
digesting, and as little for correcting it. I shall 
only add, that you may be assured always of the 
sincere friendship and affection of yours, &c. 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

[private and perfectly confidential] 

Philadelphia, 3 July, 1795. 

My dear Sir, 

The treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, 
which has lately been before the Senate, has, as 
you will perceive, made its public entry into the 
Gazettes of this City. — Of course the merits, 
and demerits of it will (especially in its unfinished 
state), be freely discussed.^ 

1 The treaty which Jay negotiated and which is known by his 
name arrived in Philadelphia March 7, 1795. Its contents seem 
to have been made known only to Washington and his Secretary 
of State, Edmund Randolph. On June 8, the Senate met in 
special session and the treaty was submitted for its approval. 
Soon afterward a senator from Virginia, in violation of the 
injunction of secrecy by which all the senators were bound, 
made the treaty public. Everywhere it excited the most bitter 
opposition. It failed in so many respects to satisfy the popular 
expectations that its merits were quite overlooked. Public meet- 
ings were held in which it was denounced as a wanton sacrifice 
of American rights and interests, and the President was urged 
to refuse to ratify it. Boston, a Federalist stronghold, led the 
outbreak with a meeting in Faneuil Hall at which a protest was 
adopted to which Washington returned a dignified but decisive 
reply. (See page 375.) Jay was burned in effigy and every 
form of vicarious insult was heaped upon him. Hamilton, when 
he attempted to defend the treaty at a public meeting in New 



Alexander Hamilton 373 

It is not the opinion of those who were deter- 
mined (before it was promulgated) to support or 
oppose it, that I am sollicitous to obtain; for these 
I well know rarely do more than examine the side 
to which they lean; without giving the reverse the 
consideration it deserves; — possibly without a wish 
to be apprised of the reasons on which the objec- 
tions are founded. — My desire is to learn from 
dispassionate men, who have a knowledge of the 
subject, and abilities to judge of it, the genuine 
opinion they entertain of each article of the in- 
strument; and the result of it in the aggregate. In 
a word, placed on the footing the matter now 
stands, it is, more than ever, an incumbent duty on 

York, was stoned, and was compelled to leave the platform with 
blood streaming from his face. A mob burned a copy of the 
document in front of the residence of the British minister. On 
June 24, however, the Senate ratified the treaty with certain 
amendments by precisely the vote required by the Constitu- 
tion. In spite of the bitter denunciation of it, the treaty was 
not altogether bad. If it did nothing more, it preserved peace 
at a time when war would have been most disastrous to the 
United States. Furthermore, as Jay himself said, there was 
" no reason to believe or conjecture that one more favorable to 
us was attainable." This was Washington's view also. " My 
opinion respecting the treaty," he wrote, " is the same now that 
it was, namely, not favorable to it, but that it is better to ratify 
it in the manner the Senate have advised, and with the reserva- 
tion already mentioned, than to suffer matters to remain as they 
are, unsettled." — Washington to Edmund Randolph, 22 July, 
1795. This is the opinion that has finally come to prevail. 
" The treaty as a whole was not a very brilliant one for the 
United States, but its treatment was far worse than its deserts. 
* * * No body, not even its supporters, liked it, and yet it may 
be doubted whether anything materially better was possible at 
the time. * * * The treaty, in reality, was by no means bad; 
on the contrary, it had many good points." — Lodge, George 
Washington, ii., 180. 



374 George Washington 

me to do what propriety, and the true interest of 
this country shall appear to require at my hands, 
on so important a subject, under such delicate 
circumstances. 

You will be at no loss to perceive from what I 
have already said, that my wishes are to have the 
favorable and unfavorable side of each article 
stated and compared together; that I may see the 
bearing and tendency of them; — and ultimately, 
on which side the balance is to be found. 

This treaty has, I am sensible, many relations, 
which, in deciding thereon ought to be attended 
to; — some of them too are of an important nature. 
— I know also, that to judge with precision of its 
commercial arrangements, there ought likewise to 
be an intimate acquaintance with the various 
branches of commerce between this country and 
Great Britain as it now stands; — as it will be placed 
by the treaty, — and as it may affect our present, or 
restrain our future treaties with other nations. — All 
these things I am persuaded you have given as 
much attention to as most men; and I believe that 
your late employment under the General govern- 
ment afforded you more opportunities of deriving 
knowledge therein, than most of them who have not 
studied and practiced it scientifically, upon a large 
and comprehensive scale. 

I do not know how you may be occupied at pres- 
ent ; — or how incompatible this request of mine may 
be to the business you have in hand. All I can say 
is, that however desirous I may be of availing my- 
self of your sentiments on the points I have enu- 



Selectmen of the Town of Boston 375 

merated, and such others as are involved in the 
treaty, and the resolution of the Senate; (both 
of which I send you, lest they should not be at 
hand) it is not my intention to interrupt you in 
that business; or, if you are disinclined to go into 
the investigation I have requested, to press the mat- 
ter upon you: for of this you may be assured, that 
with the most unfeigned regard — and with every 
good wish for your health and prosperity 

I am. Your Affectc. friend &c 

P. S. Admitting that his B: Majesty will con- 
sent to the suspension of the 12th Article of the 
treaty, is it necessary that the treaty should again 
go to the Senate? or is the President authorized by 
the resolution of that body to ratify it without/ 



TO EZEKIEL PRICE, THOMAS WALLEY, WILLIAM 
BOARDMAN, EBENEZER SEAVER, THOMAS CRAFTS, 
THOMAS EDWARDS, WILLIAM LITTLE, WILLIAM 
SCOLLAY, AND JESSE PUTNAM, SELECTMEN OF 
THE TOWN OF BOSTON ^ 

United States, 28 July, 1795. 

Gentlemen, 

In every act of my administration, I have sought 

1 For Hamilton's reply, see his Works (Lodge's edition), iv., 
322. 

2 The resolutions to which this letter is a reply are one of 
the most complete as well as one of the most temperate state- 
ments of the objections to the Jay treaty. Their full text is 
as follows: 

Resolved, As the sense of the Inhabitants of this Town, that 
the aforesaid Instrument, if Ratified, will be highly Injurious to 



376 George Washington 

the happiness of my fellow citizens. My system 
for the attainment of this object has uniformly heen 
to overlook all personal, local, and partial consid- 
erations; to contemplate the United States as one 
great whole; to confide, that sudden impressions, 

the commercial interests of the United States, derogatory to 
their National Honour, and Independence, and may be dan- 
gerous to the Peace & Happiness of their Citizens. The rea- 
sons which have induced this opinion are as follows, vizt: 

1st. Because, This Compact professes to have no referrence 
to the Merits of the Complaints and pretensions of the con- 
tracting parties; but in reality the complaints and pretensions 
of Great Britain are fully provided for, while a part only of 
those of the United States have been brought into Considera- 
tion. — 

2dly. Because, in the stipulation which restores our Posts 
on the Western Frontier, no provision is made to indemnify 
the United states for the Commercial, and other Losses they 
have sustained, and the heavy expences to which they have 
been subjected in consequence of being kept out of possession, 
for twelve Years, in direct violation of the Treaty of Peace. 

3dly. Because, no indemnification is to be made to the Citi- 
zens of the United States, for property taken from them at the 
close of the War, the restitution of which is provided for in the 
same Treaty. 

4thly. Because, the Capture of Vessels and property of 
Citizens of the United States during the present War, made 
under the Authority of the Government of Great Britain, is a 
National Concern, and claims arising from such Captures ought 
not to have been submitted to the decision of their admiralty 
Courts as the United States are thereby precluded from having 
a voice in the final determination of such cases. — Because, the 
Indemnification proposed, is to be sought by a Process tedious 
and expensive, in which justice may be delayed to an unreason- 
able time, and eventually lost to many of the sufferers from 
their inability to pursue it; and because this mode of Indemni- 
fication bears no proportion to the summary method adopted for 
the satisfaction of British claims. 

5thly. Because, this compact admits British subjects to an 
equal participation with our own citizens of the interior traffic 
of the United States with the neighbouring Indians, thro' our 
whole territorial dominions; while the advantages ostensibly re- 



Selectmen of the Town of Boston 377 

when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection; 
and to consult only the substantial and permanent 
interests of our country. 

Nor have I departed from this line of conduct, 
on the occasion which has produced the resolutions 
contained in your letter of the 13th instant. 

ciprocated to our citizens are limited both in their nature and 
extent. 

6thly. Because, the alien duty upon merchandize imported 
into the United States by British subjects in their own Bot- 
toms is, if not wholly suspended, at least contracted, not to be 
increased. — 

7thly. Because, the Commerce the United States have hith- 
erto enjoyed in India, in common with other Nations, is so re- 
stricted that in future it will be of little, or no substantial bene- 
fit to our own Citizens. — • 

8thly. Because, in every stipulation respecting our inter- 
course with the Colonial possessions of Great Britain, the whole 
commerce of the United States in such intercourse, is colonized 
in return. — 

9thly. Because, the clause by which the British Govern- 
ment reserves to itself the right of imposing on American Ves- 
sels, entering British ports in Europe, a Duty which shall 
countervail the difference of the Duty payable on the importa- 
tion of European and Asiatic goods into the United States in 
British or American bottoms, places it in the power of that 
Government to enable British subjects to become the importers 
of Asiatic and European Goods into the United states to the 
exclusion of our own Citizens. 

lOthly. Because, altho' the terms of said Treaty purport to 
be reciprocal in many instances, yet from the local situa- 
tion and existing circumstances of the United states, and the 
Pacific system of policy they have adopted, the reciprocity is 
merely nominal and delusive. 

llthly. Because, it prevents the United States from impos- 
ing any further restrictions on the British trade alone, and 
because it is stipulated that neither the debts due from Indi- 
viduals of the one Nation to Individuals of the other, nor 
shares, nor monies which they may have in the public funds, 
or in any public or private Banks, shall ever in any event of 
war, or national difference, be sequestered or confiscated, — as it 



378 George Washington 

Without a predilection for my own judgment, I 
have weighed with attention every argument, which 
has at any time been brought into view. But the 
constitution is the guide, which I never can aban- 
don. It has assigned to the President the power 
of making treaties, with the advice and consent of 

is far from being impossible that the exercise of this right may 
in the opinion of the Legislature of the United states, contrib- 
ute to preserve the peace of our Country, and protect the rights 
and property of the citizens from violation, we therefore esteem 
it highly impolitic that the public faith should be pledged that 
it shall never be exercised under any circumstances whatever. — 

12thly. Because, it concedes a Right to the British Govern- 
ment, to search and detain our Vessels in time of war between 
them and other Nations, under frivolous and vexatious pretexts. 

ISthly. Because, it provides that Ship timber, Tar, Hemp, 
Sails, and Copper, shall be considered contraband of War, which 
articles are expressly stipulated to be free by the Treaties al- 
ready subsisting between the United States and all other Na- 
tions with whom they are in compact. 

14thly. Becaixse, it surrenders all or most of the Benefits 
of a Commercial nature which we had a right to expect from 
our Neutrality in the present European War. 

15thly. Because, it precludes the hope of receiving any 
advantage from the modern Law of nations referred to in 
the PRESIDENTS Proclamation of Neutrality; adopted by most 
of the Nations of Europe in the last War, and to which we 
then acceded, and have secured in our Treaties with all other 
Nations. 

16thly. Because, it not only surrenders the right of carry- 
ing the property of any Nation at War with Great Britain in 
our Vessels freely, but abandons all pretensions even to the 
freight. 

17thly. Because, it permits the British nation to convert 
provisions destined to other Nations at War with them, to 
their own use, on payment of what they may deem reasonable 
profit; a measure, not only injurious to the interest of the 
American Merchant, but which will prevent our citizens from 
carrying American productions to other Countries, which, by 
the Laws of Nature and Nations they have a right to do with- 
out molestation. 

ISthly. Because, it limits the Power of Congress delegated 



Selectmen of the Town of Boston 379 

the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these 
two branches of government would combine, with- 
out passion, and with the best means of informa- 
tion, those facts and principles upon which the 
success of our foreign relations will always depend ; 
that they ought not to substitute for their own 
conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth 
through any channel but that of a temperate and 
well-informed investigation. 

Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the 
manner of executing the duty before me. To the 
high responsibility attached to it, I freely submit; 
and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make these 
sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. 
While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many 

to them by the Constitution, — " to regulate our Commerce with 
foreign Nations," — by prescribing conditions, and creating im- 
pediments to the exercise of that Power. 

19thly. Because, it exposes the United States and their Com- 
merce to similiar embarrassments from other Commercial na- 
tions, all of whom [will] probably regulate our trade by this 
partial standard. — and Lastly, — Because, in the opinion of the 
Inhabitants of this town, the Nature and Extent of the Exports 
of the United States are such, that in all their stipulations with 
foreign Nations, they have it in their power to secure a perfect 
reciprocity of intercourse not only with the home Dominions 
of such Nations, but with all their colonial dependencies. — 

It is further Resolved, that a Copy of the foregoing Pro- 
ceedings, attested by the Town Clerk, be immediately trans- 
mitted to the PRESIDENT of the United States, that they 
may be respectfully submitted to his consideration. — And we 
earnestly hope, and confidently rely, that his Prudence, For- 
titude and Wisdom which have more than once been emi- 
nestly instrumental in the salvation of his Country, will be 
equally conspicuous on the present occasion, and that the Rea- 
sons we have assigned, will have their influence to induce him 
to withhold his signature from the Ratification of this alarm- 
ing Instrument. — Boston Records, xxxi., 407-410. 



380 George Washington 

instances of approbation from my country, I can no 
otherwise deserve it, than by obeying the dictates of 
my conscience. With due respect, I am. Gentle- 
men, &c. 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

[private] 

Mount Vernon, 29 July, 1795. 

My dear Sir, 

Your letters of the 20th and 21st Instt. found 
me at this place, after a hot and disagreeable ride. 

As the measures of the government respecting 
the treaty were taken before I left Philadelphia, 
something more imperious than has yet appeared, 
must turn up to occasion a change. — Still, it is very 
desirable to ascertain, if possible, after the par- 
oxysm of the fever is a little abated, what the real 
temper of the people is, concerning it; for at pres- 
ent the cry against the Treaty is like that against 
a mad-dog; and every one, in a manner, seems en- 
gaged in running it down. — 

That it has received the most tortured inter- 
pretation, and that the writings against it (which 
are very industriously circulated) are pregnant of 
the most abominable mis-representations, admits of 
no doubt ; — yet, there are to be found, so far as my 
information extends, many well disposed men who 
conceive, that in the settlement of old disputes, a 
proper regard to reciprocal justice does not appear 
in the Treaty; whilst others, also well enough 
affected to the government, are of opinion that to 



Alexander Hamilton 381 

have had no commercial treaty would have been 
better, for this country than the restricted one, 
agreed to; in as much, say they, the nature of our 
Exports and imports (without any extra, or 
violent measures) would have forced or led to a 
more adequate intercourse between the two nations 
without any of those shackles which the treaty has 
imposed. In a word, that as our exports consist 
chiefly of provisions and raw materials, which to 
the manufacturers in G. Britain, and to their 
Islands in the West Indies, affords employment 
and food; they must have had them on our terms, 
if they were not to be obtained on their own; whilst 
the imports of this country, offers the best mart for 
their fabrics; and of course, is the principal sup- 
port of their manufacturers; but the string which 
is most played on, because it strikes with most force 
the popular ear, is the violation, as they term it, 
of our engagements with France ; or in other words 
the predilection shown by that instrument to G. 
Britain at the expence of the French nation. 

The consequences of which are more to be ap- 
prehended than any, which are likely to flow from 
other causes, as ground of opposition; because, 
whether the fact is, in any degree true or not, it 
is the interest of the French (whilst the animosity, 
or jealousies between the two nations exist) to 
avail themselves of such a spirit to keep us and 
G. Britain at variance ; and they will in my opinion 
accordingly do it. — To what length their policy 
may induce them to carry matters, is too much in 
embryo at this moment to decide: — ^but I predict 



382 George Washington 

much embarrassment to the government therefrom 
— and in my opinion, too much pains cannot be 
taken by those who speak, or write, in favor of the 
treaty, to place this matter in its true hght. — 

I have seen with pleasure, that a writer in one 
of the New York papers under the signature of 
Camillus, has promised to answer, — or rather to 
defend the treaty — which has been made with G. 
Britain/ — To judge of this work from the first 
number, which I have seen, I auger well of the per- 
formance and shall expect to see the subject handled 
in a clear, distinct and satisfactory manner: — but 
if measures are not adopted for its dissemination 
a few only will derive lights from the knowledge or 
labor of the author; whilst the opposition pieces 
will spread their poison in all directions; and Con- 
gress, more than probable, will assemble wdth the 
unfavorable impressions of their constituents. The 
difference of conduct between the friends and foes 
of order and good government, is in nothing more 
striking than that the latter are always working 
like bees, to distil their poison; whilst the former, 
depending often times too much and too lo7ig upon 
the sense and good dispositions of the people to 
work conviction, neglect the means of effecting it. 
With sincere esteem & regard 

I am, your Affecte. 

1 Camillus was Hamilton himself. His papers under this sig- 
nature may be found in his Works (Lodge's edition), volumes 
iv. and v. 



Edmund Randolph 383 

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE 
[private] 

Mount Vernon, 29 July, 1795. 

My DEAR Sir, 

* * * I view the opposition, which the treaty 
is receiving from the meetings in different parts of 
the Union, in a very serious Hght ; not because there 
is more weight in any of the objections, which are 
made to it, than was foreseen at first, for there are 
none in some of them, and gross misrepresenta- 
tions in others; nor as it respects myself per- 
sonally, for this shall have no influence on my 
conduct, plainly perceiving, and I am accordingly 
preparing my mind for it, the obloquy which dis- 
appointment and malice are collecting to heap 
upon me. But I am alarmed on account of the 
effect it may have on, and the advantage the 
French government may be disposed to make 
of, the spirit which is at work to cherish a 
belief in them, that the treaty is calculated to 
favor Great Britain at their expense. Whether 
they believe or disbelieve these tales, the effect 
it will have upon the nation will be nearly the 
same; for, whilst they are at war with that power, 
or so long as the animosity between the two na- 
tions exists, it will, no matter at whose expense, be 
their policy, and it is to be feared will be their 
conduct to prevent us from being on good terms 
with Great Britain, or from her deriving any ad- 
vantages from our trade, Avhich they can hinder, 
however much we may be benefited thereby our- 



384 George Washington 

selves. To what length this policy and interest 
may carry them is problematical; but, when they 
see the people of this country divided, and such a 
violent opposition given to the measures of their 
own government pretendedly in their favor, it may 
be extremely embarrassing, to say no more of it. 

To sum the whole up in a few words, I have 
never, since I have been in the administration of 
the government, seen a crisis, which in my judg- 
ment has been so pregnant of interesting events, 
nor one from which more is to be apprehended, 
whether viewed on one side or the other. From 
New York there is, and I am told will further be, 
a counter current; but how formidable it may ap- 
pear, I know not. If the same does not take place 
at Boston and other towns, it will afford but too 
strong evidence, that the opposition is in a man- 
ner universal, and would make the ratification a 
very serious business indeed. But, as it respects 
the French, counter resolutions, even would, for 
the reasons I have already mentioned, do little more 
than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the other 
side would have. * * * 



TO EDMUND EANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE 
[private] 
Mount Vernon, 31 July, 1795. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * To be wise and temperate, as well as 
firm, the present crisis most eminently calls for. 
There is too much reason to believe, from the pains 



Edmund Randolph 385 

which have been taken before, at, and since the ad- 
vice of the Senate respecting the treaty, that the 
prejudices against it are more extensive than is 
generally imagined. This I have lately understood 
to be the case in this quarter, from men, who are of 
no party, but well-disposed to the present admin- 
istration. How should it be otherwise, when no 
stone has been left unturned, that could impress on 
the minds of the people the most arrant misrepre- 
sentation of facts; that their rights have not only 
been neglected^ but absolutely sold; that there are 
no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the 
benefits are all on the side of Great Britain; and, 
what seems to have had more weight with them 
than all the rest, and most pressed, that the treaty 
is made with the design to oppress the French, in 
open violation of our treaty with that nation, and 
contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and 
sound policy? In time, when passion shall have 
yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly 
turn; but, in the mean while, this government in 
relation to France and England may be compared 
to a ship between the rocks of Scylla and Charyb- 
dis. If the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the 
French, (or rather of war and confusion,) will 
excite them to hostile measures, or at least to un- 
friendly sentiments ; if it is not, there is no foresee- 
ing all the consequences, which may follow, as it 
respects Great Britain. 

It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am or 
shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken, 
unless circumstances more imperious than have yet 



386 George Washington 

come to my knowledge should compel it; for there 
is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth 
and pursue it steadily. But these things are men- 
tioned to show, that a close investigation of the 
subject is more than ever necessary, and that they 
are strong evidences of the necessity of the most 
circumspect conduct in carrying the determination 
of government into effect, with prudence as it re- 
spects our own people, and with every exertion to 
produce a change for the better from Great 
Britain. * * * 



TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS ^ 

Philadelphia, 22 December, 1795. 

My dear Sir, 

I am become so unprofitable a correspondent, 
and so remiss in mj^ correspondencies, that nothing 
but the kindness of my friends, in overlooking these 
deficiencies, could induce them to favor me with a 
continuance of their letters; which to me are at 
once pleasing, interesting, and useful. To a man 
immersed in debt, and seeing no prospect of ex- 
trication but by an act of insolvency (perhaps 
absolvency would be a better word), I compare 
myself; and like him, too, afraid to examine the 
items of the account, I will at once make a lump- 
ing acknowledgment of the receipt of many in- 
teresting private letters from you, previous to your 

1 This letter fell into the hands of the French Directory, to 
whom, according to the American minister in Paris, James 
Monroe, it gave offence. For Washing^ton's reply to Monroe, 
see, post, page 421. 



Gouverneur Morris 387 

last arrival in England, and will begin with those 
subsequent thereto of the 3d of July and 22d of 
August. 

As the British government has repealed the 
order for seizing our provision vessels, little more 
need be said on that head, than that it was the 
principle, which constituted the most obnoxious 
and exceptionable part thereof, and the predica- 
ment in which this country was thereby placed 
in her relations with France. Admitting, there- 
fore, that the compensation to some individuals 
was adequate to what it might have been in an- 
other quarter, yet the exceptions to it on these 
grounds remained the same. 

I do not think Colonel Innes*s report to the gov- 
ernor of Kentucky was entirely free from excep- 
tions. But let the report be accompanied with the 
following remarks. 1, that the one, which Lord 
Grenville might have seen published, was dis- 
claimed by Colonel Innes, as soon as it appeared 
in the public gazettes, on account of its incorrect- 
ness. 2, an irritable spirit at that time pervaded all 
our people at the westward, arising from a com- 
bination of causes (but from none more powerful, 
than the analogous proceedings of Great Britain 
in the north, with those of Spain in the south, tow- 
ards the United States and their Indian border- 
ers), which spirit required some management and 
soothing. But, 3d and principally. Lord Gren- 
ville if he had adverted to the many remonstrances,, 
which have gone from this country against the con- 
duct of his own, which I will take the liberty to 



388 George Washington 

say has been as impoHtic for their nation, (if peace 
and a good understanding with this was its object,) 
as it has been irritating to us. And, that it may 
not be conceived I am speaking at random, let his 
liOrdship be asked, if we have not complained, — 
That some of their naval officers have insulted and 
menaced us in our own ports? That they have 
violated our national rights, by searching vessels 
and impressing seamen within our acknowledged 
jurisdiction, and in an outrageous manner have 
seized the latter by entire crews in the West Indies, 
and done the like, but not so extensively, in all 
parts of the world? That the Bermudian priva- 
teers, or to speak more correctly, pirates, and the 
admiralty court of that island, have committed the 
most atrocious depredations and violences on our 
commerce, in capturing, and in their adjudications 
afterwards, as were never tolerated in any well- 
organized or efficient government? That their 
governor of Upper Canada has ordered in an 
official and formal manner settlers within our own 
territory, (and far removed from the posts they 
have witliheld from us,) to withdraw, and forbid 
others to settle on the same? That the persons, to 
whom their Indian affairs are intrusted, have taken 
unwearied pains and practised every deception to 
keep those people in a state of irritation and dis- 
quietude with us ; and, to the latest moment, exerted 
every nerve to prevent the treaty, which has lately 
been concluded between the United States and 
them from taking effect? 

These complaints were not founded in vague 



Gouverneur Morris 389 

and idle reports, but on indubitable facts; facts, 
not only known to the government, but so notori- 
ous as to be known to the people also, who charge 
to the last item of the above enumeration the ex- 
penditure of a million or more of dollars annually 
for the purpose of self-defence against Indian 
tribes thus stimulated, and for chastising them for 
the ravages and cruel murders, which they had 
committed on our frontier inhabitants. Our min- 
ister at the court of London has been directed to 
remonstrate against these things with force and 
energy. The answer, it is true, has been (par- 
ticularly with respect to the interferences with 
the Indians) a disavowal. Why then are not the 
agents of such unauthorized, offensive, and inju- 
rious measures made examples of? For wherein, 
let me ask, consists the difference to us between 
their being the acts of government, or the acts of 
unauthorized officers or agents of the government, 
if we are to sustain all the evils, which flow from 
such measures? 

To this catalogue may be added the indifference, 
nay, more than indifference, with which the govern- 
ment of Great Britain received the advances of this 
country towards a friendly intercourse with it, even 
after the adoption of the present constitution, and 
since the operation of the government ; and, also, the 
ungracious and obnoxious characters, (rancorous 
refugees, as if done with design to insult the coun- 
try,) which they have sent among us as their 
agents, who, retaining all their former enmity, 
could see nothing through a proper medium, and 



390 George Washington 

becoming the earwigs of their minister (who, by 
the by, does not possess a mind capacious enough, 
or a temper sufficiently conciHatory, to view things 
and act upon a great and hberal scale), were al- 
ways laboring under some unfavorable information 
and impression, and probably not communicating 
them in a less exceptionable manner than they re- 
ceived or conceived them themselves. 

I give you these details ( and, if you should again 
converse with Lord Grenville on the subject you 
are at liberty, unofficially to mention them, or any 
of them, according to circumstances), as evidences 
of the impolitic conduct (for so it strikes me) of 
the British government towards these United 
States ; that it may be seen how difficult it has been 
for the executive, under such an accumulation of 
irritating circumstances, to maintain the ground 
of neutrality, which had been taken; at a time 
when the remembrance of the aid we had received 
from France in the revolution was fresh in every 
mind, and when the partisans of that country were 
continually contrasting the affections of that peo- 
ple with the unfriendly disposition of the British 
government. And that, too, as I have observed 
before, while the recollection of their own suffer- 
ings during the war with the latter had not been 
forgotten. 

It is well known, that peace (to borrow a mod- 
ern phrase) has been the order of the day with me 
since the disturbances in Europe first commenced. 
My policy has been, and will continue to be, while 
I have the honor to remain in the administration of 



Gouverneur Morris 391 

the government, to be upon friendly terms with, 
but independent of, all the nations of the earth ; to 
share in the broils of none; to fulfil our own en- 
gagements; to supply the wants and be carrier for 
them all; being thoroughly convinced, that it is 
our policy and interest to do so. Nothing short of 
self-respect, and that justice which is essential to a 
national character, ought to involve us in war; for 
sure I am, if this country is preserved in tranquil- 
lity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance in a 
just cause to any power whatever; such in that 
time will be its population, wealth, and resources. 

If Lord Grenville conceives, that the United 
States are not well disposed towards Great Brit- 
ain, his candor, I am persuaded, will seek for the 
causes, and his researches will fix them, as I have 
done. If this should be the case, his policy will I 
am persuaded be opposed to the continuance or re- 
newal of the irritating measures, which I have enu- 
merated; for he may be assured, (though the assur- 
ance will not, it is probable, carry conviction ^\ath 
it from me to a member of the British administra- 
tion,) that a liberal policy will be one of the most 
effectual means of deriving advantages to their 
trade and manufactures from the people of the 
United States, and will contribute, more than any 
thing else, to obliterate the impressions, which have 
been made by their late conduct towards us. 

In a government as free as ours, where the peo- 
ple are at liberty, and will express their sentiments 
oftentimes imprudently, and, for want of informa- 
tion, sometimes unjustly, allowances must be made 



392 George Washington 

for occasional effervescences ; but, after the declara- 
tion which I have here made of my political creed, 
you can run no hazard in asserting, that the execu- 
tive branch of this government never has, or will 
suffer, while I preside, any improper conduct of 
its officers to escape with impunity, or will give 
its sanctions to any disorderly proceedings of its 
citizens. 

By a firm adherence to these principles, and to 
the neutral policy which has been adopted, I have 
brought on myself a torrent of abuse in the factious 
papers in this country, and from the enmity of the 
discontented of all descriptions therein. But, hav- 
ing no sinister objects in view, I shall not be di- 
verted from my course by these, nor any attempts 
which are, or shall be made to withdraw the con- 
fidence of my constituents from me. I have no- 
thing to ask; and, discharging my duty, I have 
nothing to fear from invective. The acts of my 
administration will appear when I am no more, 
and the intelligent and candid part of mankind 
will not condemn my conduct without recurring 
to them. 

The treaty entered into with Great Britain has, 
as you have been informed, undergone much and 
severe animadversion; and, though a more favor- 
able one were to have been wished, which the policy 
perhaps of Great Britain might have granted, yet 
the demerits thereof are not to be estimated by the 
opposition it has received; nor is the opposition 
sanctioned by the great body of the yeomanry in 
these States. For they, whatever their opinions of 



Secretaries of State, War, etc. 393 

it may be, are disposed to leave the decision where 
the constitution has placed it. But an occasion was 
wanting, and the instrument, by those who re- 
quired it, was deemed well calculated, for the pur- 
pose of working upon the affections of the people 
of this country towards those of France, whose in- 
terests and rights under our treaty with them they 
represented as being violated; and, with the aid of 
the provision order, and other irritating conduct of 
the British ships of war and agents, as mentioned 
before, the means were furnished, and more pains 
taken, than upon any former occasion, to raise 
a general ferment with a view to defeat the treaty. 
But knowing that you have other correspon- 
dents, who have more leisure, and equally capable 
of detailing these matters, I will leave you to them 
and the gazettes for fuller information there and a 
more minute account of the prevailing politics. 
And thanking you for the interesting intelligence 
and opinions contained in your letter of the 22d of 
August, I shall only add, that, with sincere esteem 
and regard, I am, dear Sir, your affectionate 
friend. * * * 



2. The Treaty-making Power 



TO THE SECRETARIES OF STATE, THE TREASURY, WAR, 
AND THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL 

Philadelphia, 25 March, 1796. 
SlE, 

The resolution moved in the House of Represen- 



394 George Washington 

tatives, for the papers relative to the negotiation 
of the treaty with Great Britain, having passed in 
the affirmative, I request your opinion, 

1. Whether that branch of Congress has or has 
not a right, by the constitution, to call for those 
papers? 

2. Whether (if it does not possess the right, it 
would be expedient under the circumstances of this 
particular case to furnish them? 

3. And, in either case, in what terms would it 
be most proper to comply with, or to refuse, the re- 
quest of the House? 

These opinions in writing, and your attendance, 
will be expected at ten o'clock to-morrow. I am, 
&c.^ 

1 For the execution of the treaty negotiated by John Jay 
with Great Britain, certain appropriations, which could be made 
only by both Houses of Congress, were necessary. After the 
treaty had been ratified by the Senate, Washington, without 
awaiting the action of the House of Representatives, promul- 
gated it as a part of the law of the land. The House, incensed 
by this, then adopted, by a vote of sixty-two to thirty-seven, 
the following resolution: 

" Resolved, That the President of the United States be re- 
quested to lay before this House a copy of the instructions to 
the Minister of the United States, who negotiated the Treaty 
with the King of Great Britain, communicated by his Message 
of the first of March, together with the correspondence and 
other documents relative to the said Treaty; excepting such of 
said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper 
to be disclosed." — Annals of Congress, Ath Congress, 1st Ses- 
sion, 759. 

Washington then asked the members of his cabinet for their 
advice, and they were unanimously of the opinion that the re- 
quest of the House should be refused. 



House of Representatives 395 

MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

March 30th, 1796. 
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: 

With the utmost attention I have considered your 
resolution of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay 
before your House a copy of the instructions to the 
minister of the United States, who negotiated the 
treaty with the King of Great Britain, together 
with the correspondence and other documents rela- 
tive to that treaty, excepting such of the said pa- 
pers as any existing negotiation may render 
improper to be disclosed. 

In deliberating upon this subject, it was im- 
possible for me to lose sight of the principle, which 
some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid 
extending my views to the consequences, which 
must flow from the admission of that principle. 

I trust that no part of my conduct has ever in- 
dicated a disposition to withhold any information 
which the constitution has enjoined upon the Presi- 
dent as a duty to give, or which could be required 
of him by either House of Congress as a right; and 
with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it will con- 
tinue to be while I have the honor to preside in the 
government, my constant endeavor to harmonize 
with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust 
delegated to me by the people of the United States, 
and my sense of the obligation it imposes to " pre- 
serve, protect, and defend the constitution," will 
permit. 

The nature of foreign negotiations requires 



39^ George Washington 

caution, and their success must often depend on 
secrecy; and, even when brought to a conclusion, 
a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or 
eventual concessions which may have been proposed 
or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic; 
for this might have a pernicious influence on fu- 
ture negotiations, or produce immediate inconven- 
iences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to 
other powers. The necessity of such caution and 
secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the 
power of making treaties in the President, with 
the advice and consent of the Senate; the principle 
on which that body was formed confining it to a 
small number of members. To admit, then, a 
right in the House of Representatives to demand, 
and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers 
respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, 
would be to establish a dangerous precedent. 

It does not occur, that the inspection of the 
papers asked for can be relative to any purpose 
under the cognizance of the House of Represen- 
tatives, except that of an impeachment, which the 
resolution has not expressed. I repeat, that I have 
no disposition to withhold any information which 
the duty of my station will permit, or the public 
good shall require, to be disclosed; and, in fact, all 
the papers affecting the negotiation with Great 
Britain, were laid before the Senate, when the 
treaty itself was communicated for their considera- 
tion and advice. 

The course, which the debate has taken on the 
resolution of the House, leads to some observations 



House of Representatives 397 

on the mode of making treaties under the constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

Having been a member of the general conven- 
tion, and knowing the principles on which the 
constitution was formed, I have ever entertained 
but one opinion on this subject; and, from the first 
establishment of the government to this moment, 
my conduct has exemplified that opinion, that the 
power of making treaties is exclusively vested in 
the President, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, provided two thirds of the Senators 
present concur ; and that every treaty, so made and 
promulgated, thenceforward became the law of the 
land. It is thus that the treaty-making power has 
been understood by foreign nations; and, in all the 
treaties made with them, we have declared, and 
they have believed, that, when ratified by the Presi- 
dent, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
they became obligatory. In this construction of 
the constitution, every House of Representatives 
has heretofore acquiesced; and, until the present 
time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared, to 
my knowledge, that this construction was not the 
true one. Nay, they have more than acquiesced; 
for till now, without controverting the obligation 
of such treaties, they have made all the requisite 
provisions for carrying them into effect. 

There is also reason to believe that this construc- 
tion agrees with the opinions entertained by the 
State conventions, when they were deliberating on 
the constitution; especially by those who objected 
to it, because there was not required, in commercial 



39^ George Washington 

treaties, the consent of two thirds of the whole 
number of the members of the Senate, instead of 
two thirds of the Senators present; and because, 
in treaties respecting territorial and certain other 
rights and claims, the concurrence of three fourths 
of the whole number of both Houses respectively 
was not made necessary. 

It is a fact declared by the general convention, 
and universally understood, that the constitution 
of the United States was the result of a spirit of 
amity and mutual concession. And it is well 
known, that, under this inJfluence, the smaller States 
were admitted to an equal representation in the 
Senate with the larger States, and that this branch 
of the government was invested with great powers ; 
for on the equal participation of those powers the 
sovereignty and political safety of the smaller 
States were deemed essentially to depend. 

If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of 
the constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain the 
point under consideration, they may be found in 
the journals of the general convention, which I have 
deposited in the office of the Department of State. 
In those journals it will appear, that a proposi- 
tion was made, " that no treaty should be binding 
on the United States, which was not ratified by 
a law " ; and that the proposition was explicitly 
rejected. 

As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my under- 
standing, that the assent of the House of Repre- 
sentatives is not necessary to the validity of a 
treaty; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits, in 



House of Representatives 399 

itself, all the objects requiring legislative provis- 
ion, and on these the papers called for can throw no 
light; and as it is essential to the due administra- 
tion of the government, that the boundaries, fixed 
by the constitution between the different depart- 
ments, should be preserved; a just regard to the 
constitution and to the duty of my office, under all 
the circumstances of this case, forbids a compli- 
ance with your request/ 

1 Washington's message occasioned a long discussion in the 
House of Representatives, which resulted in the adoption of 
the following resolutions: 

" Resolved, That it being declared by the second section of 
the second article of the Constitution, * that the President shall 
have power, by and with the advice [and consent] of the Senate 
to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senate [Senators] 
present concur,' the House of Representatives do not claim any 
agency in making Treaties; but, that when a Treaty stipulates 
regulations on any of the subjects submitted by the Constitution 
to the power of Congress, it must depend, for its execution, as 
to such stipulations, on a law or laws to be passed by Congress, 
and it is the Constitutional right and duty of the House of 
Representatives, in all such cases, to deliberate on the ex- 
pediency or inexpediency of carrying such Treaty into effect 
and to determine and act thereon, as, in their judgment, 
may be most conducive to the public good. 

" Resolved, That it is not necessary to the propriety of any 
application from this House to the Executive, for information 
desired by them, and which may relate to any Constitutional 
functions of the House, that the purpose for which such in- 
formation may be wanted, or to which the same may be ap- 
plied, should be stated in the application." — Annals of Congress, 
Jtth Congress, 1st Session, 771. 

After the adoption of these resolutions, a long debate ensued 
as to whether the House would give its consent to the legislation 
necessary for carrying the treaty into effect. Finally, on April 
30, 1796, by a vote of 51 to 48, the House ordered the prepara- 
tion of the necessary measures. Since that time a number of 
treaties have been negotiated by the President and ratified by 
the Senate which could not be put into effect until supplemen- 



400 George Washington 

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

[private] 

Philadelphia, 31 March, 1796. 

My dear Sir, 

I do not know how to thank you sufficiently, for 
the trouble you have taken to dilate on the request 
of the House of Representatives for the papers 
relative to the British Treaty,^ or how to apologize 
for the trouble, (much greater than I had any idea 



tary legislation had received the sanction of the House. There 
is no instance of refusal on the part of the House to consent to 
the necessary measures, but it has frequently asserted its right 
to refuse. The whole subject was fully discussed in connection 
with the bill making an appropriation for carrying out the 
treaty for the annexation of Alaska. See particularly the 
speeches of N. P. Banks, C. C. Washburn, B. F. Butler, Thad- 
deus Stevens, and G. S. Orth, in The Congressional Globe, 40th 
Congress, 2nd Session, Appendix, pp. 385, 393, 400, 421, 429. 
The relation of the House to the treaty-making power is still 
a subject of controversy, and no more conclusive statement con- 
cerning it can be made than that of the eminent jurist, Chief 
Justice Cooley: 

" The full treaty-making power is in the President and 
Senate; but the House of Representatives has a restraining 
power upon it in that it may in its discretion at any time refuse 
to give assent to legislation necessary to give a treaty effect. 
Many treaties need no such legislation; but when moneys are 
to be paid by the United States, they can be appi'opriated by 
Congress alone; and in some other cases laws are needful. An 
unconstitutional or manifestly unwise treaty the House of Rep- 
resentatives may possibly refuse to aid; and this, when legis- 
lation is needful, would be equivalent to a refusal of the 
government, through one of its branches, to carry the treaty 
into effect. This would be an extreme measure, but it is con- 
ceivable that a case might arise in which a resort to it would be 
justified." — Cooley, Principles of Constitutional Law, 175. 

1 For Hamilton's draft of a message to Congress refusing to 
comply with the request of the House for the papers relating to 
the Jay Treaty, see his Works (Lodge's edition), vii., 118. 



Alexander Hamilton 401 

of giving,) which you have taken to show the im- 
propriety of that request. 

From the first moment, and from the fullest con- 
viction in my own mind, I had resolved to resist the 
principle, which was evidently intended to be estab- 
lished by the call of the Ho. of Representatives; 
and only deliberated on the manner in which this 
could be done with the least bad consequences. 

To effect this, three modes presented themselves 
to me. 1st, a denial of the Papers in toto, assign- 
ing concise but cogent reasons for that denial; 2d, 
to grant them in whole; or, 3d, in part; accom- 
panied with a pointed protest against the right of 
the House to controul treaties, or to call for Papers 
without specifying their object, and against the 
compliance being drawn into precedent. 

I had as little hesitation in deciding, that the first 
was the most tenable ground; but, from the pecul- 
iar circumstances of this case, it merited considera- 
tion, if the principle could be saved, whether 
facility in the provisions might not result from a 
compliance. An attentive examination, however, 
of the Papers and the subject, soon convinced me 
that to furnish all the Papers would be highly 
improper, and that a partial delivery of them would 
leave the door open for as much calumny as the 
entire refusal — perhaps more so — as it might, and 
I have no doubt would be said, that all such as 
were essential to the purpose of the House were 
withheld. 

Under these Impressions I proceeded, with the 
Heads of Departments and the Attorney-Gen. to 
36 



402 George Washington 

collect materials and to prepare an answer, sub- 
ject however, to alteration and revision, according 
to circumstances. This answer was ready on 
Monday, and proposed to be sent in on Tuesday; 
but it was delayed until I should receive what was 
expected; not doing it definitely on that day, the 
delivery of my answer was further postponed till 
the next, notwithstanding the anxious solicitude, 
which was visible in all quarters to learn the result 
of Executive decision. 

Finding that the draft, I had prepared, embraced 
most if not all the principles, which were detailed 
in the paper I received yesterday, though not the 
reasonings; that it would take considerable time to 
copy the latter; and, above all, having understood, 
that, if the papers were refused, a fresh demand 
with strictures might be expected, I sent in the 
answer which was ready, reserving the other as a 
source for reasoning, if my information proves 
true. 

I could not be satisfied without giving you this 
concise account of the business, to express again 
my sincere thanks for the pains you have been at 
to investigate the subject, and to assure you, over 
and over, of the warmth of my friendship, and of 
the affectionate regard, with which I am, &;c. 



TO EDVTARD CARRINGTON 

[private] 

Philadelphia, 1 May, 1796. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * Whatever my own opinion may be on 



Edward Carrington 403 

this or any other subject interesting to the com- 
munity at large, it always has been and will con- 
tinue to be my earnest desire to learn, and, as far 
as is consistent, to comply with, the public senti- 
ment; but it is on great occasions onlifj and after 
time has been given for cool and deliberate reflec- 
tion, that the real voice of the people can be known. 
The present, however, is one of those great 
occasions, than which none more important has 
occurred, or probably may occur again to call forth 
their decision ; and to them the appeal is now made. 
For no candid man in the least degree acquainted 
with the progress of this business will believe for a 
moment, that the ostensible dispute was about pa- 
pers, or whether the British treaty was a good one 
or a bad one, but whether there should be a treaty 
at all without the concurrence of the House of 
Representatives, which was striking at once, and 
that boldly, too, at the fundamental principles of 
the constitution; and, if it were established, would 
render the treaty-making power, not only a nul- 
lity, but such an absolute absurdity as to reflect 
disgrace on the framers of it. For will any one 
suppose, that they who framed, or those who 
adopted, that instrument ever intended to give the 
power to the President and Senate to make trea- 
ties, and, declaring that when made and ratified 
they should be the supreme law of the land, would 
in the same breath place it in the powers of the 
House of Representatives to fix their vote on them ; 
unless apparent marks of fraud or corruption 
(which in equity would set aside any contract) ac- 



404 George Washington 

companied the measure, or such striking evidence 
of national injury attended their adoption, as to 
make a war or any other evil preferable? Every 
unbiassed mind will answer in the negative. * * * 



3. Neutrality 



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 
Mount Vernon, 12 April, 1793. 

Dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 7th was brought to me by the 
last post. War having actually commenced be- 
tween France and Great Britain, it behooves the 
government of this country to use every means in 
its power to prevent the citizens thereof from 
embroiling us with either of those powers, by en- 
deavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. I 
therefore require, that you will give the subject 
mature consideration, that such measures as shall 
be deemed most likely to effect this desirable pur- 
pose may be adopted without delay; for I have 
understood, that vessels are already designated 
privateers, and are preparing accordingly. 

Such other measures as may be necessary for us 
to pursue against events, which it may not be in 
our power to avoid or control, you will also think 
of, and lay them before me at my arrival in Phila- 
delphia; for which place I shall set out to-morrow, 
but will leave it to the advices, which I may receive 
to-night by the post, to determine whether it is to 
be by the most direct route, or by the one I pro- 



Secretaries and Attorney-General 405 

posed to have come, that is, by Reading, the canals 
between the rivers of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, 
Carlisle, &c., &c. With very great esteem and re- 
gard, I am, &c.^ 



TO THE SECRETARrES AND ATTORNEY-GENERAL 
[circular] 

Philadelphia, 18 April, 1793. 

The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly 
between France and Great Britain, places the 
United States in a delicate situation, and requires 
much consideration, of the measures which will be 
proper for them to observe in the war between those 
powers. With a view to forming a general plan 
of conduct for the executive, I have stated and en- 
closed sundry questions, to be considered prepara- 
tory to a meeting at my house to-morrow, where I 
shall expect to see you at 9 o'clock, and to receive 
the result of your reflections thereon. I am, &c. 



QUESTIONS SUBMITTED BY THE PRESIDENT. 

Philadelphia, 18 April, 1793. 

I. Shall a proclamation issue for the purpose 
of preventing interferences of the citizens of the 
United States in the war between France and 

1 The outbreak of war between Great Britain and France on 
February 3, 1793, raised at once the question as to what the 
relations of the United States should be to the belligerent pow- 
ers. France claimed that by the treaty of alliance made with 
her in 1778 the United States was bound to assist her. Many 
Americans admitted this claim, and many others, entirely apart 
from treaty stipulations, were ready to aid the French out of 
gratitude for the aid received from them in the Revolution. At 



4o6 George Washington 

Great Britain, &c.? Shall it contain a declaration 
of neutrality or not? What shall it contain? 

II. Shall a minister from the Republic of 
France be received? 

III. If received, shall it be absolutely or with 
qualifications; and, if with qualifications, of what 
kind? 

IV. Are the United States obliged by good 
faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with 
T'rance as applying to the present situation of the 
parties? May they either renounce them, or hold 
them suspended till the government of France shall 
be established? 

V. If they have the right, is it expedient to do 
either, and which? 

VI. If they have an option, would it be a 
breach of neutrality to consider the treaties still 
in operation? 

VII. If the treaties are to be considered as now 
in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of alli- 
ance applicable to a defensive war only, or to war 
either offensive or defensive? 

VIII. Does the war in which France is engaged 
appear to be offensive or defensive on her part? 
Or of a mixed and equivocal character? 

IX. If of a mixed and equivocal character, 
does the guarantee in any event apply to such a 
war? 

X. What is the effect of a guarantee such as 

that time the motives of French policy in 1778 were not gen- 
erally understood, and how little claim France had upon the 
gratitude of America was not realized. 



Questions Submitted to the Cabinet 407 

that to be found in the treaty of alliance between 
the United States and France? 

XI. Does any article in either of the treaties 
prevent ships of war, other than privateers, of the 
powers opposed to France from coming into the 
ports of the United States to act as convoys to 
their own merchantmen? Or does it lay any other 
restraint upon them more than would apply to the 
ships of war of France? 

XII. Should the future regent of France send 
a minister to the United States, ought he to be 
received? 

XIII. Is it necessary or advisable to call to- 
gether the two Houses of Congress, with a view 
to the present posture of European affairs? If it 
is, what should be the particular object of such a 
call? ^ 

1 The opinion of the cabinet was thus expressed in a memo- 
randum drawn up by Jefferson: 

" At a meeting of the heads of departments and the attorney- 
general at the President's, April 19th, 1793, to consider the 
foregoing questions proposed by the President, it was deter- 
mined by all, on the first question, that a proclamation shall 
issue forbidding our citizens to take part in any hostilities on 
the seas, with or against any of the belligerent powers; and 
warning them against carrying to any such powers any of 
those articles deemed contraband, according to the modern 
usage of nations; and enjoining them from all acts and pro- 
ceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation tow- 
ards those at war. 

" On the second question, * Shall a minister from the Re- 
public of France be received? ' it was unanimously agreed, that 
he shall be received. 

" The remaining questions were postponed for further con- 
sideration." — Ford. 

On the third question, Jefferson and Randolph were of opin- 
ion, that the minister should be received absolutely and without 



4o8 George Washington 

PEOCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY 

Whereas it appears, that a state of war exists 
between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, 
and the United Netherlands, on the one part, and 
France on the other; and the duty and interest of 
the United States require, that they should with 
sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a con- 
duct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent 
powers ; 

I have therefore thought fit by these presents to 
declare the disposition of the United States to ob- 

qualifications. Hamilton and Knox deemed it " advisable, that 
the reception of the minister expected from the Republic of 
France should be qualified substantially to this effect: 

" That the government of the United States, uniformly enter- 
taining cordial wishes for the happiness of the French nation, 
and disposed to maintain with it an amicable communica- 
tion and intercourse, uninterrupted by political vicissitudes, 
does not hesitate to receive him in the character, which his 
credentials import; yet, considering the origin, course, and cir- 
cumstances of the relations continued between the two coun- 
tries, and the existing position of the affairs of France, it is 
deemed advisable and proper on the part of the United States 
to reserve to future consideration and discussion the question, 
whether the operation of the treaties, by which those relations 
were formed, ought not to be deemed temporarily and provis- 
ionally suspended; and under this impression it is thought due 
to a spirit of candid and friendly procedure, to apprize him 
beforehand of the intention to reserve that question, lest 
silence on the point should occasion misconstruction." 

The other questions were elaborately discussed by each mem- 
ber of the cabinet in writing, and the relations between France 
and the United States, as then existing, were largely examined. 
— Sparks. 

The separate opinions submitted by Hamilton and Jefferson 
to the President may be found in Hamilton, Works (Lodge's 
edition), iv., 74, and in Jefferson, Writings (Ford's edition), 
vi., 217. 



Rules of Neutrality 409 

serve the conduct aforesaid towards those powers 
respectively, and to exhort and warn the citizens 
of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and 
proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner 
tend to contravene such disposition. 

And I do hereby also make known, that whoso- 
ever of the citizens of the United States shall render 
himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the 
law of nations, by committing, aiding, or abetting 
hostilities against any of the said powers, or by 
carrying to any of them those articles, which are 
deemed contraband by the modern usage of na- 
tions, will not receive the protection of the United 
States against such punishment or forfeiture; and 
further, that I have given instructions to those of- 
ficers, to whom it belongs, to cause prosecutions to 
be instituted against all persons, who shall within 
the cognizance of the courts of the United States 
violate the law of nations with respect to the powers 
at war, or any of them. 

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of 
the United States of America to be affixed to these 
presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done 
at the city of Philadelphia, the 22d day of April, 
1793, and of the independence of the United States 
of America the seventeenth. 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE UNITED STATES FOR THE 
PRESERVATION OF ITS NEUTRALITY ^ 

4 August, 1793. 

1. The original arming and equipping of ves- 

1 ** If the heads of departments and the attorney-general, who 



41 o George Washington 

sels in the ports of the United States by any of the 
belKgerent parties for mihtary service offensive or 
defensive is deemed unlawful. 

2. Equipments of merchant vessels by either of 
the belligerent parties, in the ports of the United 
States, purely for the accommodation of them as 
such, is deemed lawful. 

3. Equipments, in the ports of the United 
States, of vessels of war in the immediate service 
of the government of any of the belligerent parties, 
which, if done to other vessels, would be of a doubt- 
ful nature, as being applicable either to commerce 
or war, are deemed lawful ; except those which shall 
have made prize of the subjects, people, or prop- 
erty of France, coming with their prizes into the 
ports of the United States, pursuant to the seven- 
teenth article of our treaty of amity and commerce 
with France. 

4. Equipments in the ports of the United States, 
by any of the parties at war with France, of vessels 
fitted for merchandise and war, whether with or 
without commissions, which are doubtful in their 
nature, as being applicable either to commerce or 
war, are deemed lawful, except those which shall 
be made prize, &c. 

5. Equipments of any of the vessels of France 

have prepared the eight rules, which you handed to me yester- 
day, are well satisfied that they are not repugnant to treaties, 
or to the laws of nations, and moreover are the best we can 
adopt to maintain neutrality, I not only give them my approba- 
tion, but desire they may be made known without delay for the 
information of all concerned." — Washington to Jefferson, 4 
August, 1793. Ford's text of these rules (xii., 315) contains 
serious errors. 



Speech to Congress 411 

in the ports of the United States, which are doubt- 
ful in their nature, as being apphcable to com- 
merce or war, are deemed lawful. 

6. Equipments of every kind, in the ports of the 
United States, of privateers of the powers at war 
with France, are deemed unlawful. 

7. Equipments of vessels in the ports of the 
United States, which are of a nature solely adapted 
to war, are deemed unlawful ; except those stranded 
or wrecked, as mentioned in the eighteenth article 
of our treaty with France, the sixteenth of our 
treaty with the United Netherlands, the ninth of 
our treaty with Prussia; and except those men- 
tioned in the nineteenth article of our treaty with 
France, the seventeenth of our treaty with the 
United Netherlands, the eighteenth of our treaty 
with Prussia. 

8. Vessels of either of the parties not armed, or 
armed previous to their coming into the ports of 
the United States, which shall not have infringed 
any of the foregoing rules, may lawfully engage 
or enlist their own subjects or citizens, not being 
inhabitants of the United States ; except privateers 
of the powers at war with France, and except those 
vessels which shall have made prize, &c. 



SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, 
DECEMBER 3, 1793 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives : 

^ * * As soon as the war in Europe had em- 



412 George Washington 

braced those powers, with whom the United States 
have the most extensive relations, there was reason 
to apprehend, that our intercourse with them might 
be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn 
into question, by the suspicions too often enter- 
tained by beUigerent nations. It seemed, there- 
fore, to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the 
consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile 
acts to any of the parties; and to obtain, by a de- 
claration of the existing legal state of things, an 
easier admission of our right to the immunities be- 
longing to our situation. Under these impres- 
sions, the Proclamation, which will be laid before 
you, was issued. 

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, 
I resolved to adopt general rules, which should 
conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of 
the United States. These were reduced into a 
system, which will be communicated to you. Al- 
though I have not thought myself at liberty to 
forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our 
treaty of commerce with France to be brought into 
our ports, I have not refused to cause them to be 
restored, when they were taken within the protec- 
tion of our territory, or by vessels commissioned 
or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of 
the United States. 

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, 
improve, or enforce this plan of procedure; and it 
will probably be found expedient to extend the 
legal code, and the jurisdiction of the courts of the 
United States, to many cases, which, though de- 



Speech to Congress 413 

pendent on principles already recognised, demand 
some further provisions. 

Where individuals shall within the United States 
array themselves in hostility against any of the 
powers at war; or enter upon military expeditions 
or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United 
States; or usurp and exercise judicial authority 
within the United States ; or where the penalties on 
violations of the law of nations may have been 
indistinctly marked, or are inadequate; these of- 
fences cannot receive too early and close an atten- 
tion, and require prompt and decisive remedies. 

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be 
well administered by the judiciary, who possess a 
long-established course of investigation, effectual 
process, and officers in the habit of executing it. 
In like manner, as several of the courts have 
doubted, under particular circumstances, their 
power to Hberate the vessels of a nation at peace, 
and even of a citizen of the United States, although 
seized under a false color of being hostile property ; 
and have denied their power to liberate certain cap- 
tures within the protection of our territory; it 
would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction 
in these points. But if the executive is to be the 
resort in either of the two last-mentioned cases, it 
is hoped, that he will be authorized by law to have 
facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own 
information, he shall request it. 

I cannot recommend to your notice measures for 
the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, 
vrithout again pressing upon you the necessity of 



414 George Washington 

placing ourselves in a condition of complete de- 
fence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment 
of their duties towards us. The United States 
ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary 
to the order of human events, they v^^ill for ever 
keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms, 
with which the history of every other nation 
abounds. There is a rank due to the United States 
among nations, which will be withheld, if not ab- 
solutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If 
we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel 
it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most pow- 
erful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must 
be known, that we are at all times ready for 
war.''' * * * 



MESSAGE TO CONGRESS 

United States, 5 December, 1793. 
Gentlemen of the Senate and op the House op Representa- 
tives: 

As the present situation of the several nations 
of Europe, and especially of those with which the 
United States have important relations, cannot but 
render the state of things between them and us 

1 " If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should 
take that laid down by America in the days of the presidency 
of Washington, and the secretaryship of Jefferson." — George 
Canning in the House of Commons, 16 April, 1823. Hansard, 
Parliamentary Debates (N. S.), viii., 1056. 

One of the latest English writers on international law says: 
" The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an epoch 
in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be 
no doubt that it was intended and believed to give effect to the 
obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it represented 



Message to Congress 415 

matter of interesting inquiry to the legislature, 
and may indeed give rise to deliberations, to which 
they alone are competent, I have thought it my 
duty to communicate to them certain correspond- 
ences which have taken place. 

The representative and executive bodies of 
France have manifested generallj^ a friendly at- 
tachment to this country, have given advantages to 
our commerce and navigation, and have made over- 
tures for placing these advantages on permanent 
ground; a decree, however, of the National As- 
sembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to 
be carried into their ports, and making enemy 
goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, con- 
trary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as 
to the United Sates, has been since extended to 
their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. 
Representations on the subject will be immediately 



by far the most advanced existing opinions as to what these 
obligations were, and in some points it even went further than 
authoritative international custom has up to the present time 
advanced. In the main, however, it is identical with the stand- 
ard of conduct which is now adopted by the community of na- 
tions." — Hall, A Treatise on Interyiational Law, 594. 

An American Secretary of State has written : " It is now 
plain that the neutrality proclamation of the President was a 
most wise and necessary act — one of the most important in the 
history of the country, as it was the inauguration of a principle 
of international law and governmental practice which has won 
for us the respect of the world and contributed very materially 
to our national prosperity. But it was adopted against the 
advice of many of the most prominent and able of our public 
men, and subjected the President to bitter abuse and calumny." 
— Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy, 157. 

It is not too much to say that Washington is the father of 
the modern law of neutrality. 



4i6 George Washington 

given in charge to our minister there, and the re- 
sult shall be communicated to the legislature. 

It is with extreme concern I have to inform you, 
that the proceedings of the person, whom they 
have unfortunately appointed their minister pleni- 
potentiary here, have breathed nothing of the 
friendly spirit of the nation, which sent him; their 
tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us 
in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home. 
So far as his acts, or those of his agents, have 
threatened our immediate commitment in the war, 
or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their 
effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cogni- 
zance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers 
confided to me. Where their danger was not im- 
minent, they have been borne with, from senti- 
ments of regard to his nation ; from a sense of their 
friendship towards us; from a conviction, that they 
would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the 
action of a person, who has so little respected our 
mutual dispositions; and, I will add, from a reli- 
ance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their 
principles of peace and order. 

In the mean time, I have respected and pursued 
the stipulations of our treaties, according to what 
I judged their true sense; and have withheld no 
act of friendship, which their affairs have called for 
from us, and which justice to others left us free to 
perform. I have gone further; rather than em- 
ploy force for the restitution of certain vessels, 
which I deemed the United States bound to re- 
store, I thought it more advisable to satisfy the 



Messao^e to Cono^ress 417 



v^v, wv^ ^^"fc, 



parties, by avowing it to be my opinion, that, if 
restitution were not made, it would be incumbent 
on the United States to make compensation. The 
papers, now communicated, will more particularly 
apprize you of these transactions. 

The vexations and spoliation, understood to have 
been committed on our vessels and commerce by 
the cruisers and officers of some of the belligerent 
powers, appeared to require attention. The proofs 
of these, however, not having been brought for- 
ward, the description of citizens supposed to have 
suffered were notified, that, on furnishing them to 
the executive, due measures would be taken to ob- 
tain redress of the past, and more effectual pro- 
visions against the future. Should such documents 
be furnished, proper representations will be made 
thereon, with a just reliance on a redress propor- 
tioned to the exigency of the case. 

The British government having undertaken, by 
orders to the commanders of their armed vessels, to 
restrain, generally, our commerce in corn and other 
provisions to their own ports and those of their 
friends, the instructions now communicated were 
immediately forwarded to our minister at that 
court. In the mean time, some discussions on the 
subject took place between him and them. These 
are also laid before you ; and I may expect to learn 
the result of his special instructions, in time to make 
it known to the legislature, during their present 
session. 

Very early after the arrival of a British minister 
here, mutual explanations on the inexecution of the 



4i8 George Washington 

treaty of peace were entered into with that minis- 
ter; these are now laid before you for your 
information. 

On the subjects of mutual interest between this 
country and Spain, negotiations and conferences 
are now depending. The public good requiring 
that the present state of these should be made 
known to the legislature in confidence only, they 
shall be the subject of a separate and subsequent 
commimication. 



TO PATRICK HENRY 

Mount Vernon, 9 October, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 

Whatever may be the reception of this letter, 
truth and candor shall mark its steps. You doubt- 
less know, that the office of State is vacant; and no 
one can be more sensible, than yourself, of the im- 
portance of filling it with a person of abilities, and 
one in whom the public would have confidence. 

It would be uncandid not to inform you, that 
this office has been offered to others; but it is as 
true, that it was from a conviction in my own mind, 
that you would not accept it, (until Tuesday last, 
in a conversation with General, late Governor, Lee, 
he dropped sentiments which made it less doubt- 
ful,) that it was not offered first to you. 

I need scarcely add, that if this appointment 
could be made to comport with your own inclina- 
tion, it would be as pleasing to me, as I believe it 
would be acceptable to the public. With this as- 
surance, and with this belief, I make you the offer 



Patrick Henry 419 

of it. My first wish is, that you would accept it; 
the next is, that you would be so good as to give me 
an answer as soon as you conveniently can, as the 
public business in that department is now suffering 
for want of a Secretary. 

I persuade myself, Sir, it has not escaped your 
observation, that a crisis is approaching, that must, 
if it cannot be arrested, soon decide whether order 
and good government shall be preserved, or anarchy 
and confusion ensue. I can most religiously aver 
I have no wish, that is incompatible with the dig- 
nity, happiness, and true interest of the people of 
this country. My ardent desire is, and my aim has 
been, (as far as depended upon the executive de- 
partment,) to comply strictly with all our engage- 
ments, foreign and domestic; but to keep the 
United States free from political connexions with 
every other country, to see them independent of all 
and under the influence of none. In a word, I 
want an American character, that the powers of 
Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, and 
not for others. This, in my judgment, is the only 
way to be respected abroad and happy at home; 
and not, by becoming the partisans of Great Brit- 
ain or France, create dissensions, disturb the pub- 
lic tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps for ever, the 
cement which binds the union. 

I am satisfied these sentiments cannot be other- 
wise than congenial to your own. Your aid there- 
fore in carrying them into effect would be flattering 
and pleasing to, dear Sir, &c.^ 

1 The offer of the post of Secretary of State was declined. 
How the offer was regarded by Washington's critics may be 



420 George Washington 

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE 
[private] 

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1796. 
Dear Sir, 

* * * I am glad to find, that more smoke than 
fire is hkely to result from the representation of 
French discontent on account of our treaty with 
Great Britain. Had the case been otherwise, there 
would have been no difficulty in tracing the effect 
to the cause; and it is far from being impossible, 
that the whole may have originated in a contrivance 
of the opposers of the government, to see what effect 
such threats would work; and finding none that 
could answer their purpose, and no safe ground to 
stand on, if they pushed matters to extremity, the 
matter may terminate in gasconade. Be this as it 
may, the executive has a plain road to pursue, 
namely, to fulfil all the engagements, which his 
duty requires ; be influenced beyond this by none of 
the contending parties ; maintain a strict neutrality, 
unless obliged by imperious circumstances to de- 
part from it; do justice to all, and never forget that 
we are Americans, the remembrance of which will 
convince us that we ought not to be French or Eng- 
lish. With great esteem and regard, I am, &c.^ 

inferred from Madison's writing to Jefferson : " The offer of the 
Secretaryship of State to P. Henry is a circumstance which I 
should not have believed, without the most unquestionable tes- 
timony. Col. Coles tells me Mr. Henry read the letter to him 
on that subject." 

1 For other strong expressions regarding his neutrality policy 
and the difficulty of maintaining it, see Washington to Gouver- 
neur Morris, 22 December, 1795, ante, page 386. 



James Monroe 421 

TO JAMES MONROE 

Philadelphia, 25 August, 1796. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 24th of March, written in ci- 
pher, never got to my hands until the 10th instant 
at Mount Vernon; nor were the contents of it 
known to me until my arrival in this city on the 
21st. For the information contained in it, and 
your attention thereto, I offer you my best thanks. 

Having no clew by which to discover the fact, I 
am very much at a loss to conjecture by what 
means a private letter of mine, written to a friend 
and sent by an American vessel, should have got 
into the hands of the French Directory. I shall 
readily acknowledge, however, that the one you 
allude to, directed to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, was 
a long and confidential one ^ ; but I deny that there 
is any thing contained in it, that the French gov- 
ernment could take exception to, unless the ex- 
pression of an ardent wish, that the United States 
might remain in peace with all the world, taking 
no part in the disputes of any part of it, should 
have produced this effect, giving it as my further 
opinion, that the sentiments of the mass of citizens 
in this country were in unison with mine. 

Confidential as this letter was expected to be, I 
have no objection to its being seen by anybody; and 
there is certainly some mistake in saying I had no 
copy thereof, when there is a press one now before 
me, in which I discover no expression, that in 

1 For Washington's letter to Gouverneur Morris, see page 
386. 



422 George Washington 

the eye of liberahty and candor would be deemed 
objectionable. 

To understand the scope and design of my let- 
ter properly, and to give it a fair interpretation, 
it is necessary to observe, that it was written, (as 
will appear by the contents of it, ) in answer to very 
long ones from the gentleman to whom it was ad- 
dressed, which contained much political information 
of the state of things in different parts of Europe, 
and related among others the substance of a con- 
versation, in which he and Lord Grenville, as 
private gentlemen, had just been engaged, and in 
which it was observed by the latter, that, if they 
were to judge from the publications in this coun- 
try, the disposition of it was unfriendly to Great 
Britain; but in free countries he could readily ac- 
count for such publications; however, that there 
was onCj which wore a more serious aspect, as in- 
dicative of the sense of the government, and he 
alluded to Colonel Innes's report of his proceed- 
uigs in Kentucky. 

In my noticing this part of Mr. Morris's com- 
munication, I tell him, that, with respect to the 
publication of that report, it was an unauthorized 
act, and declared by that gentleman, as soon as he 
saw it in the gazettes, to have been done incor- 
rectly; and that, with relation to the temper of the 
people of the United States, as it respected Great 
Britain, his Lordship ought not to be surprised, if 
it appeared disturbed and irritated, after the sense 
of the government had been so often expressed in 
strong remonstrances against the conduct of the 



James Monroe 423 

Indian agents, privateersmen, impressment of our 
seamen, insults of their ships of war, &c., &c. ; add- 
ing that it afforded us very little satisfaction, that 
they disclaimed these as unauthorized acts (which 
the British administration had done in some in- 
stances) , while the actors were suffered to go un- 
punished. I dwelt chiefly and fully on this part of 
his letter, and reminded him of the indifference with 
which the advances of the United States to form a 
commercial treaty with Great Britain, as well since 
as before the establishment of the present govern- 
ment, had been received; and concluded by saying, 
that a liberal policy towards us (though I did not 
suppose sentiments of that sort from me to a mem- 
ber of the British administration would have much 
weight) was the only road to a perfect reconcilia- 
tion; and that, if he should again converse with 
Lord Grenville on this subject, he was at liberty 
unofficially to express these as my sentiments. 

Thus, Sir, you have the substance, candidly re- 
lated, of a letter, which, you say you have been told 
by a person, " who has read it, has produced an ill 
effect," when in my opinion the contrary (viewing 
it in the light of an unreserved and confidential 
communication) ought to have been produced. 
For, I repeat it again, that unless my pacific dis- 
position was displeasing, nothing else could have 
given umbrage by the most rigid construction of 
the letter, or that will show in the remotest degree 
any disposition on my part to favor the British 
interests in their dispute ^dth France. 

My conduct in public and private life, as it re- 



424 George Washington 

lates to the important struggle in which the latter 
nation is engaged, has been uniform from the com- 
mencement of it, and may be summed up in a few 
words; that I have always wished well to the 
French revolution; that I have always given it as 
my decided opinion, that no nation had a right 
to intermeddle in the internal concerns of another; 
that every one had a right to form and adopt what- 
ever government they liked best to live under them- 
selves; and that, if this country could, consistently 
with its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality 
and thereby preserve peace, it was bound to do so 
by motives of policy, interest, and every other con- 
sideration, that ought to actuate a people situated 
and circumstanced as we are, already deeply in 
debt, and in a convalescent state from the struggle 
we have been engaged in ourselves. 

On these principles I have steadily and uniformly 
proceeded, bidding defiance to calumnies calcu- 
lated to sow the seeds of distrust in the French 
nation, and to excite their belief of an influence pos- 
sessed by Great Britain in the councils of this 
country, than which nothing is more unfounded 
and injurious, the object of its pacific conduct be- 
ing truly delineated above. I am, &c. 



TO DAVID STUART 

Philadelphia, 8 January, 1797. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * What effect M. Adet's conduct has had 
or will have on the public mind, you can form a 



David Stuart 425 

better opinion than me. One of the objects, which 
he had in view, (in timing the pubHcation,)^ is too 
apparent to require explanation. Some of his own 
zealots do not scruple to confess, that he has been 
too precipitate, and thereby injured the cause he 
meant to espouse; which is to establish such an in- 
fluence in this country, as to sway the government 
and control its measures. Evidences of this de- 
sign are abundant, and new proofs are exhibiting 
themselves every day to illustrate the fact ; and yet, 
lamentable thought! a large party, under real or 
pretended fears of British influence, are moving 
Heaven and earth to aid him in these designs. It 
is a fact well known, for history proves it, that, 
from the restless temper of the French and the pol- 
icy of that nation, they attempt openly or covertly, 
by threats or soothing professions, to influence the 
conduct of most governments. That they have at- 
tempted it with us, a little time will show. But, 
finding a neutral conduct had been adopted, and 
would not be relinquished by those who adminis- 
tered the government, the next step was to try the 
people; and, to work upon them, several presses 
and many scribblers have been employed, to em- 
blazon the improper acts of the British govern- 
ment and its officers, and to place them in all the 
most exaggerated and odious points of view they 

1 Probably the pamphlet, which had just been issued in Phila- 
delphia, entitled " Notes adressees par le Citoyen Adet, Min- 
istre Plenipotentiare de la Republique Franpaise pres les Etats- 
Unis d'Amerique, au Secretaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis." This 
pamphlet was printed in French, with a translation facing each 
page, the whole extending to ninety-five pages. — Sparks. 



426 George Washington 

were susceptible; to complain^ that there was not 
only a deficiency of friendship, but a want of jus- 
tice also, in the executive towards France, the cause 
of which, say they, is to be found in a predilection 
for Great Britain. This not working as well as 
was expected, from a supposition that there was 
too much confidence, and perhaps personal regard 
for, the present chief magistrate and his politics, 
the batteries latterly have been levelled at him par- 
ticularly and personally. Although he is soon to 
become a private citizen, his opinions are to be 
knocked down, and his character reduced as low as 
they are capable of sinking it, even by resorting to 
absolute falsehoods. As an evidence whereof, and 
of the plan they are pursuing, I send you a letter 
from Mr. Paine to me, printed in this city, and 
disseminated with great industry.^ Others of a 
similar nature are also in circulation. 

To what lengths the French Directory will ulti- 
mately go, is difficult to say; but, that they have 

1 Thomas Paine, whose ability as a writer contributed so 
much to the success of the War for Independence, later became 
a resident of France and a member of its National Convention, 
where he played a conspicuous part. Upon the rise of Robes- 
pierre he lost favor and was imprisoned. In this state he 
remained until the downfall of Robespierre, when he was re- 
leased and went to live with Monroe. Filled with resentment 
against Washington because the President had refused to make 
demand on the French government for his liberation, Paine 
now addressed to him a bitter and intemperate letter, in the 
course of which he said, " As to you, sir, treacherous in private 
friendship (for so you have been to me, and that in the day 
of danger) and a hypocrite in public life, the world will be 
puzzled to decide, whether you are an apostate or an impostor; 
whether you have abandoned good principles, or whether you 
ever had any." 



David Stuart 427 

been led to the present point bj^ our own people, I 
have no doubt. Whether some, who have done 
this, would choose to accompany them any farther 
or not, I shall not undertake to decide. But I shall 
be mistaken, if the candid part of my countrymen, 
(although they may be under a French influence,) 
do not see and acknowledge, that they have imbibed 
erroneous impressions of the conduct of this gov- 
ernment towards France, when the communication, 
which I promised at the opening of the session, and 
which will be ready in a few days, comes before the 
public. It will be seen, if I mistake not, also, that 
that country has not such a claim upon our grati- 
tude, as has been generally supposed, and that this 
country has violated no engagement with it, been 
guilty of no act of injustice towards it, nor been 
wanting in friendship, where it could be rendered 
without departing from that neutral station we had 
taken and resolved to maintain.^ * * * 

1 " I hope, as you do, that, notwithstanding our political hori- 
zon is much overcast, the wisdom, temper, and firmness of the 
government, supported by the great mass of the people, will 
dispel the threatening clouds, and that all will end without any 
shedding of blood. To me this is so demonstrable, that not a 
particle of doubt would dwell on my mind relative thereto, if 
our citizens would advocate their own cause, instead of that 
of any other nation under the sun; that is, if, instead of being 
Frenchmen or Englishmen in polifics, they would be Ameri- 
cans, indignant at every attempt of either, or any other power, 
to establish an influence in our councils, or presume to sow 
the seeds of discord or disunion among us. No policy, in my 
opinion, can be more clearly demonstrated, than that we should 
do justice to all, and have no political connexion with any of the 
European powers beyond those, which result from and serve 
to regulate our commerce with them. Our own experience, if 
it has not already had this effect, will soon convince us, that the 



428 George Washington 

TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1798. 

Dear Sir, 

Not being in the habit, since my return to pri- 
vate hfe, of sending regularly to the post-office, 
(nine miles from hence,) every post-day, it often 
happens that letters addressed to me lye longer 
there on that account, than they otherwise would do. 

I have delayed no time unnecessarily since I had 
tlie honor of receiving your very obliging favor of 
the 22d ultimo, to thank you for the polite and 
flattering sentiments you have been pleased to 
express relatively to me, and to assure you, 
that, as far as it is in my power to support your 
administration, and to render it easy, happy, 
and honorable, you may command me without 
reserve. 

At the epoch of my retirement, an Invasion of 
these States by an European Power, or even the 
probability of such an event happening in my 
days, was so far from being contemplated by me, 
that I had no conception that that or any other 
occurrence would arise in so short a period, which 
could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount 
Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders; 
and reserved for intoxicated and lawless France 
(for purposes of Providence far beyond the reach 



idea of disinterested favors or friendship from any nation 
whatever is too novel to be calculated on, and there will always 
be found a wide difference between the words and actions of 
any of them." — V/asImigton to William Heath, 20 May, 1797. 



John Adams 429 

of human ken) to slaughter its own citizens, and to 
disturb the repose of all the world besides.^ 

From a view of the past, from the prospect pres- 
ent — and of that which seems to be expected, it is 
not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part 
it might best become me to act. In case of actual 
Invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should 
not Intrench myself under the cover of age and re- 
tirement, if my services should be required by my 
Country to assist in repelling it. And if there be 
good cause, which must be better known to the 
Government than to private citizens, to expect such 
an event, delay in preparing for it might be dan- 
gerous, improper, and not to be justified by pru- 
dence. The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in 
my mind, creates mi/ embarrassment; for I cannot 
fairly bring it to believe, disregardful as the French 
are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and ca- 
pable as I conceive them to be of any species of 
Despotism and Injustice, that they will attempt to 
invade this country, after such a uniform and 
unequivocal expression of the sense of the People 
in all parts to oppose them with their lives and 
fortunes. 

That they have been led to believe, by their 

1 In 1798 the relations between France and the United States 
assumed so threatening an aspect that Congress, on May 28, 
authorized the President to raise and organize a Provisional 
Army of ten thousand men. On July 2, without waiting to 
learn his wishes. President Adams nominated to the Senate 
" George Washington, of Mount Vernon, to be lieutenant-gen- 
eral and commander-in-chief of all the armies raised and to 
be raised in the United States." The nomination was unani- 
mously confirmed. 



430 George Washington 

agents and Partisans amongst us, that we are a 
divided people, that the latter are opposed to their 
own Government, and that a show of a small force 
would occasion a revolt, I have no doubt; and how 
far these men, (grown desperate,) will further at- 
tempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up 
the deception, is problematical. Without this, the 
folly of the Directory in such an attempt would, 
I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than 
their wickedness. 

Having with candor made this disclosure of the 
state of my mind, it remains only that I should 
add, that to those who know me best it is best 
known, that, if imperious circumstances should in- 
duce me to renounce the smooth paths of Retire- 
ment for the thorny ways of Public life, at a period 
too when repose is most congenial to nature, and a 
calm indispensable to contemplation, that it would 
be productive of sensations, which can be more 
easily conceived than expressed. 

The difficulty in which you expect to be involved, 
in the choice of general officers, when you come to 
form the army, is certainly a serious one; and, in a 
Government like ours, where there are so many 
considerations to be attended to and to combine, it 
will be found not a little perplexing. But, as the 
mode of carrying on the War against the Foe that 
threatens must differ widely from that practised 
in the contest for Independence, it will not be an 
easy matter, I conceive, to find, among the old set 
of Generals, men of sufficient activity, energy, and 
health, and of sound politics, to train troops to the 



John Adams 431 

" quick step," long marches, and severe conflicts 
they may have to encounter; and, therefore, that 
recourse must be had, (for the greater part at 
least,) to the well-known, most experienced, best 
proved and intelligent officers of the late army 
without respect to Grade. 

I speak with diffidence, however, on this head, 
having no list by me from which my memory could 
be refreshed. There is one thing though, on which 
I can give a decided opinion; and, as it is of the 
utmost importance to the Public, to the army, and 
to the officer commanding it, be him whom he will, 
I will take the liberty of suggesting it now. It is, 
that the greatest circumspection be used in ap- 
pointing the General staff. If this corps is not 
composed of respectable characters, [with] know- 
ledge of the duties of their respective Departments, 
able, active, and firm, and of incorruptible integrity 
and prudence, and withal such as the Commander- 
in-Chief can place entire confidence in, his plans 
and movements, if not defeated altogether, may be 
so embarrassed and retarded, as to amount nearly 
to the same thing; and this almost with impunity 
on their part. * * * 

The opening given me in your letter is such, as 
hath prompted me to express these sentiments with 
freedom; and persuading myself, that you will 
ascribe them to pure motives, although they may 
differ from your own ideas, I have no doubt of their 
being well received. With the greatest respect 
and consideration I have the honor to be, dear 
Sir, &c. 



432 George Washington 

TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

Mount Vernon, 13 July, 1798. 

Deae Sir, 

I had the honor, on the evening of the 11th in- 
stant, to receive from the hands of the Secretary 
of War your favor of the 7th, announcing that you 
had, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
appointed me Lieutenant- General and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of all the armies raised or to be 
raised for the service of the United States. 

I cannot express how greatly affected I am at 
this new proof of public confidence, and the highly 
flattering manner in which you have been pleased 
to make the communication; at the same time 
I must not conceal from you my earnest wish, that 
the choice had fallen on a man less declined in 
years, and better qualified to encounter the usual 
vicissitudes of war. 

You know, Sir, what calculations I had made 
relative to the probable course of events on my re- 
tiring from office, and the determination I had 
consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my 
days in my present peaceful abode. You will, 
therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate 
the sensations I must have experienced, to brijng 
my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me, 
at so late a period of life, to leave Scenes I 
sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field 
of public action, incessant trouble, and high 
responsibility. 

It was not possible for me to remain ignorant 



John Adams 433 

of, or indifferent to, recent transactions. The 
conduct of the Directory of France towards our 
Country, their insidious hostihty to its government, 
their various practices to withdraw the affections 
of the People from it, the evident tendency of their 
arts and those of their agents to countenance and 
invigorate opposition, their disregard of solemn 
treaties and the laws of nations, their war upon our 
defenceless commerce, their treatment of our min- 
ister of peace, and their demands amounting to 
tribute, could not fail to excite in me correspond- 
ing sentiments with those my countrymen have so 
generally expressed in their affectionate addresses 
to you. Believe me. Sir, no one can more cordially 
approve of the wise and prudent measures of your 
administration. They ought to inspire universal 
confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the 
state of things, call from Congress such laws and 
means, as will enable you to meet the full force and 
extent of the crisis. 

Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely 
wished and endeavored to avert war, and exhausted 
to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can 
with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice 
of our cause, and may confidently trust the final 
result to that kind Providence, who has heretofore 
and so often signally favored the people of these 
United States. 

Thinking, in this manner, and feeling how in- 
cumbent it is upon every person of every descrip- 
tion to contribute at all times to his country's 
welfare, and especially in a moment Hke the pres- 
38 



434 George Washington 

ent, when every thing we hold dear is so seriously 
threatened, I have finally determined to accept the 
Commission of Commander-in-Chief of the armies 
of the United States; with the reserve only, that I 
shall not be called into the field until the army is in 
a situation to require my presence, or it becomes in- 
dispensable by the urgency of circumstances. 

In making this reservation I beg it to be under- 
stood, that I do not mean to withhold any assist- 
ance to arrange and organize the army, which you 
may think I can afford. I take the liberty also to 
mention, that I must decline having my acceptance 
considered as drawing after it any immediate 
charge upon the public, and that I cannot receive 
any emoluments annexed to the appointment, be- 
fore entering into a Situation to incur expense. 

The Secretary of War being anxious to return 
to the seat of Government, I have detained him no 
longer than was necessary to a full communication 
upon the several points he had in charge. With 
very great respect and consideration, I have the 
honor to be, &c. 



TO JAMES ANDEESON 

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1798. 

Esteemed Sir, 

* * * I little imagined, when I took my last 
leave of the walks of public life, that any event 
could bring me again on a public theatre. But 
the unjust conduct of France towards these United 
States has been and continues to be such, that it 



James Anderson 435 

must be opposed by a firm and manly resistance, 
or we shall not only hazard the subjugation of our 
government, but the independence of our nation 
also; both being evidently struck at by a lawless, 
domineering power, which respects no rights, and 
is restrained by no treaties, when it is found in- 
convenient to observe them. 

While we are thus situated, sustaining daily in- 
juries, even indignities, with a patient forbearance, 
from a sincere desire to live in peace and harmony 
with all the world; the French Directory, mistak- 
ing the American character, and supposing that the 
people of this country were divided, and would give 
countenance to their nefarious measures, have pro- 
ceeded to exact loans (or in other words contribu- 
tions) , and to threaten us, in case of non-compliance 
with their wild, unfounded, and inconsistent com- 
plaints, that we should share the fate of Venice and 
other Italian states. 

This has roused the people from their slumbers, 
and filled them with indignation from one ex- 
tremity to the other of the Union; and I trust, if 
they should attempt to carry their threats into 
effect, and invade our territorial, as they have done 
our commercial rights, they will meet a spirit, that 
will give them more trouble than they are aware 
of, in the citizens of these States. 

When every thing sacred and dear to freemen is 
thus threatened, I could not, consistently with the 
principles which have actuated me through life, re- 
main an idle spectator, and refuse to obey the call 
of my country to lead its armies for defence, and 



436 George Washington 

therefore have pledged myself to come forward 
whensoever the exigency shall require it. 

With what sensations, at my time of life, now 
turned of sixty-six, without ambition or interest to 
stimulate me thereto, I shall relinquish the peaceful 
walk to which I had retired, and in the shades of 
which I had fondly hoped to spend the remnant of 
a life, worn down with cares, in contemplation of 
the past, and in scenes present and to come of rural 
enjoyment, let others, and especially those who are 
best acquainted with the construction of my mind, 
decide; while I, believing that man was not de- 
signed by the all-wise Creator to live for him- 
self alone, prepare for the worst that can 
happen. * * * 



TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 25 December, 1798. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * To give you a complete view of the 
politics and situation of things in this country 
would far exceed the limits of a letter, and to 
trace effects to their causes would be a work of 
time. But the sum of them may be given in a few 
words, and amounts to this. That a party exists 
in the United States, formed by a combination of 
causes, which oppose the government in all its meas- 
ures, and are determined (as all their conduct 
evinces) by clogging its wheels indirectly to change 
the nature pf it, and to subvert the constitution. 



General Lafayette 437 

To effect this, no means which have a tendency to 
accompHsh their purposes are left unessayed. 
The friends of government, who are anxious to 
maintain its neutrality, and to preserve the coun- 
try in peace, and adopt measures to secure these 
are charged by them as being monarchists, aristo- 
crats, and infractors of the constitution, which, ac- 
cording to their interpretation of it, would be a 
mere cipher. While they arrogated to themselves 
(until the eyes of the people began to discover how 
outrageously they had been treated in their com- 
mercial concerns by the Directory of France, and 
that that was a ground on which they could no 
longer tread) the sole merit of being the friends of 
France, when in fact they had no more regard for 
that nation than for the Grand Turk, further than 
their own views were promoted by it; denouncing 
those who differed in opinion, (whose principles 
are purely American, and whose sole view was to 
observe a strict neutrality) with acting under 
British influence, and being directed by her coun- 
sels, now with being her pensioners. 

This is but a short sketch of what requires much 
time to illustrate; and is given with no other view, 
than to show you what would be your situation 
here at this crisis under such circumstances as it 
unfolds. 

You have expressed a wish, worthy of the be- 
nevolence of your heart, that I would exert all my 
endeavors to avert the calamitous effects of a rup- 
ture between our countries. Believe me, my dear 
friend, that no man can deprecate an event of this 



438 George Washington 

sort with more horror than I should, and that no 
one, during the whole of my administration, labored 
more incessantly, and with more sincerity and zeal, 
than I did, to avoid this, and to render every jus- 
tice, nay favor, to France, consistent v^dth the 
neutrality, which had been proclaimed, sanctioned 
by Congress, approved by the State legislatures, 
and the people at large in their town and county 
meetings. But neutrality was not the point at 
which France was aiming; for, whilst it was cry- 
ing Peace, Peace, and pretending that they did 
not wish us to be embroiled in their quarrel with 
Great Britain, they were pursuing measures in this 
country so repugnant to its sovereignty, and so in- 
compatible with every principle of neutrality, as 
must inevitably have produced a war with the lat- 
ter. And when they found, that the government 
here was resolved to adhere steadily to its plan of 
neutrality, their next step was to destroy the con- 
fidence of the people in and to separate them from 
it; for which purpose their diplomatic agents were 
specially instructed, and in the attempt were aided 
bj^ inimical characters among ourselves, not, as I 
observed before, because they loved France more 
than any other nation, but because it was an instru- 
ment to facilitate the destruction of their own 
government. 

Hence proceeded those charges, which I have al- 
ready enumerated, against the friends to peace and 
order. No doubt remains on this side of the wa- 
ter, that to the representations of, and encourage- 
ment given by, these people is to be ascribed, in a 



General Lafayette 439 

great measure, the infractions of our treaty with 
I'rance; her violation of the laws of nations, dis- 
regard of justice, and even of sound policy. But 
herein they have not only deceived France, but 
were deceived themselves, as the event has proved; 
for, no sooner did the yeomanry of this country 
come to a right understanding of the nature of the 
dispute, than they rose as one man with a tender 
of their services, their lives, and their fortunes to 
support the government of their choice, and to de- 
fend their country. This has produced a declara- 
tion from them (how sincere let others judge), 
that, if the French should attempt to invade this 
country, they themselves would be amongst the 
foremost to repel the attack. 

You add in another place, that the Executive 
Directory are disposed to accommodation of all 
differences. If they are sincere in this declaration, 
let them evidence it by actions ; for words unaccom- 
panied therewith will not be much regarded now. 
I would pledge myself, that the government and 
people of the United States will meet them heart 
and hand at fair negotiation; having no wish more 
ardent, than to live in peace with all the world, pro- 
vided they are suffered to remain undisturbed in 
their just rights. Of this, their patience, for- 
bearance, and repeated solicitations under accumu- 
lated injuries and insults, are incontestable proofs; 
but it is not to be inferred from hence, that they 
suffer any nation under the sun, (while they retain 
a proper sense of virtue and independence,) to 
trample upon their rights with impunity, or to 



440 George Washington 

direct or influence the internal concerns of their 
country. 

It has been the pohcy of France, and that of the 
opposition party among ourselves, to inculcate a 
belief that all those, who have exerted themselves 
to keep this country in peace, did it from an over- 
weening attachment to Great Britain. But it is 
a solemn truth, and you may count upon it, that it 
is void of foundation, and propagated for no other 
purpose, than to excite popular clamor against 
those, whose aim was peace, and whom they wished 
out of the way. 

That there are many among us, who wish to see 
this country embroiled on the side of Great Britain, 
and others, who are anxious that we should take 
part with France against her, admits of no doubt. 
But it is a fact, on which you may entirely and ab- 
solutely rely, that the governing powers of the 
country and a large part of the people are truly 
Americans in principle, attached to the interest of 
it, and unwilling under any circumstances whatso- 
ever to participate in the politics or contests of 
Europe; much less, since they have found that 
France, having forsaken the ground she first took, 
is interfering in the internal concerns of all nations, 
neutral as well as belligerent, and setting the world 
in an uproar. 

After my Valedictory Address to the people of 
the United States, you would no doubt be some- 
what surprised to hear, that I had again consented 
to gird on the sword. But, having struggled eight 
or nine years against the invasion of our rights by 



Bryan, Lord Fairfax 44 ^ 

one power, and to establish our independence of 
it, I could not remain an unconcerned spectator of 
the attempt of another power to accomplish the 
same object, though in a different way, with less 
pretensions; indeed, without any at all. 

On the politics of Europe I shall express no 
opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or 
who is wrong. I wish well to all nations and to 
all men. INIy politics are plain and simple. I 
think every nation has a right to establish that form 
of government, under which it conceives it shall 
live most happy; provided it infracts no right, or 
is not dangerous to others; and that no govern- 
ments ought to interfere with the internal concerns 
of another, except for the security of what is due 
to themselves. * * * 



TO BRYAN, LORD FAIRFAX 

Mount Vernon, 20th Jany., 1799. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * When I presented my Valedictory ad- 
dress to the People of the United States, in Sep- 
tember, 1796, I little thought that any event would 
occur in my day, that could again withdraw me from 
the Retirement after which I had been so long 
panting ; — ^but we know little of ourselves, and still 
less of the ways of Providence. — The injurious 
treatment this Country had received from France, 
in an open violation of the Treaty between the two 
Countries, and the laws of Nations. — The Insults 
&c Indignities with which all our overtures for an 



442 George Washington 

amicable adjustment of the disputes were treated. 
— The increasing depredations on our commerce, 
accompanied with outrage & threats, if we did not 
comply with their demands, leaving no hope of ob- 
taining restitution for the past, or preserving the 
little that remained, or the Country from Invasion, 
but by the adoption of vigorous measures for self 
defence, having come fully to the view of the Peo- 
ple, their resentments have been roused, and with 
one voice as it were, have made a tender of their 
lives and fortunes to repel any attempts which may 
be made on the Constitution or Government of 
their Country — In consequence of which, and to 
be prepared for the dernier ressort, if unhappily 
we shall be driven to it — Troops are to be raised, 
and the United States placed in a posture of de- 
fence — Under these circumstances, and it appear- 
ing to be the wish of my Countrymen, and the 
request of the governing Powers that I should take 
charge of their Armies, I am embarked so far in 
the business as will appear by my letter to the 
President of the 13th of July last — which, as it has 
run through all the news-papers here, and Pub- 
lished in many of the Foreign Gazettes, you prob- 
ably may have seen; and though still at home, 
where indeed I hope to remain, under a persuasion 
that the French will discover the injustice and ab- 
surdity of their conduct; — I hold myself in readi- 
ness to gird on the sword, if the immergency shall 
require it. 

Notwithstanding, the Spirit of the People is so 
animated, that party among us who have been uni- 



Bryan, Lord Fairfax 443 

form in their opposition to all the measures of Gov- 
ernment ; in short to every Act, either of Executive 
or Legislative Authority, which seemed to be cal- 
culated to defeat French usurpations and to 
lessen the influence of that Nation in our Country, 
hang upon & clog its wheels as much as in them 
lye — and with a rancor & virulence which is scarcely 
to be conceived; — Torturing every act, by un- 
natural construction, into a design to violate the 
Constitution — Introduce Monarchy — & to estab- 
lish an aristocracy — And what is more to be re- 
gretted, the same Spirit seems to have laid hold of 
the major ^art of the Legislature of this State, 
while all the other States in the Union (Kentucky 
the child of Virginia, excepted) are coming for- 
ward with the most unequivocal evidences of their 
approbation of the measures which have been 
adopted by both, for self preservation. — In what 
such a spirit, and such proceedings will issue, is 
beyond the reach of short sighted men to predict, 
with any degree of certainty. — I hope well — be- 
cause I have always believed and trusted, that that 
Providence which has carried us through a long 
and painful War with one of the most powerful 
nations in Europe, will not suffer the discontented 
among ourselves to produce more than a tempo- 
rary interruption to the permanent Peace and hap- 
piness of this rising Empire — That they have been 
the cause of our present disquietudes, and the 
means of stimulating (by mis-representing the 
sentiments of the mass of citizens of this Country) 
the Directory of France to their unwarrantable 



444 George Washington 

x\cts — not from more real affection to the nation 
than others possess, but to facihtate the design of 
subverting their own government — I have no more 
doubt than that I am now in the act of writing you 
this letter — * * * 



4. The Whiskey Insurrection 



TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE 
TREASURY 

Mount Vernon, 7 September, 1792. 

Sir, 

The last post brought me your letter of the 1st 
instant, with the enclosures respecting the dis- 
orderly conduct of the inhabitants of the western 
survey of the district of Pennsylvania, in opposing 
the execution of what is called the excise law; and 
of the insults which have been offered by some of 
them to the officers, who have been appointed to 
collect the duties on distilled spirits agreeably 
thereto.^ 

Such conduct in any of the citizens of the United 

1 Among Hamilton's financial measures enacted in 1791 was 
the excise law levying a tax of twenty-five cents a gallon on 
whiskey. The tax excited great opposition, partly because it 
was one to which the people were not accustomed and partly 
because it bore with considerable hardship on the people of 
western Pennsylvania, who were far removed from the ordinary 
channels of commerce and who produced only one commodity of 
considerable value in small bulk. While the disturbance was 
not in itself very serious, its suppression was of great political 
importance, since it was one of the first demonstrations by the 
new government of its right and of its ability to enforce its 
laws. 



Alexander Hamilton 445 

States, under any circumstances that can well be 
conceived, would be exceedingly reprehensible; 
but, when it comes from a part of the community 
for whose protection the money arising from the 
tax was principally designed, it is truly unaccount- 
able, and the spirit of it much to be regretted. 

The preliminary steps taken by you in ordering 
the supervisor of the district to repair to the sur- 
vey, where these disorders prevail, with a view to 
ascertain in person "the true state of the survey; 
to collect evidences respecting the violences that 
have been committed, in order to a prosecution of 
the offenders; to ascertain the particulars as to the 
meeting which appears to have been held at Pitts- 
burg; to encourage the perseverance of the officers 
in their duty, and the well-disposed inhabitants in 
discountenancing such violent proceedings," are 
prudent and proper, and I earnestly wish they may 
have the desired effect. But if, notwithstanding, 
opposition is still given to the due execution of the 
law, I have no hesitation in declaring, if the evi- 
dence of it is clear and unequivocal, that I shall, 
however reluctantly I exercise them, exert all the 
legal powers with which the executive is invested 
to check so daring and unwarrantable a spirit. It 
is my duty to see the laws executed. To permit 
them to be trampled upon with impunity would 
be repugnant to it; nor can the government longer 
remain a passive spectator of the contempt, with 
which they are treated. Forbearance, under a hope 
that the inhabitants of that survey would recover 
from the delirium md folly into which they were 



446 George Washington 

plunged, seems to have had no other effect than to 
increase the disorder. 

If it shall be the attorney-general's opinion, un- 
der a full consideration of the case (adverting, as 
T presume he will, as well to the laws and constitu- 
tion of Pennsylvania, as to those of the United 
States) , that the meeting, which appears to have 
been held at Pittsburg, was illegal, and the mem- 
bers of it indictable, and it shall further appear to 
you from such information as you may be able to 
obtain from a comparative view of all circum- 
stances, that it would be proper to bring the matter 
before the circuit court to be holden at Yorktown 
in October next, you have all the sanction and au- 
thority I can give to do it. I am. Sir, &c/ 



TO SURGES BALL 

Germantown, 10 August, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

* * * What (under the rose I ask it) is said 

1 Acting on the advice of Hamilton, Washington issued a 
proclamation warning the rioters to desist from their unlawful 
acts and indicating the intention of the President to use all the 
means at his command for the enforcement of the laws. See 
Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, i., 124. 

" I have no doubt but that the proclamation will undergo 
many strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be an- 
swered by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to 
ulterior arrangements. And here not only the constitution 
and laws must strictly govern, but the employing of regular 
troops avoided, if it be possible to effect order without their 
aid; otherwise there would be a cry at once, * The cat is let out; 
we now see for what purpose an army was raised.' Yet, if no 
other means will effectually answer, and the constitution and 



Charles M. Thruston 447 

or thought, as far as it has appeared to you, of the 
conduct of the People of the Western Counties of 
this State (Pennsylvania) towards the excise offi- 
cers? — and does there seem to be a disposition 
among those with whom you converse to bring them 
to a sense of their duty, and obedience to law, by 
coercion, if, after they are fully notified by Procla- 
mation and other expedients of the consequences 
of such outrageous proceedings, they do not submit 
to the Laws of the United States, and suffer the 
collection of the duties upon spirituous liquors and 
stills to be made as in other places? In a word, 
would there be any difficulty, as far as the matter 
has passed under your observation, in drawing out 
a part of the Militia of Loudoun, Berkeley and 
Frederick — to quell this rebellious spirit and to 
support order and good government? You will 
readily perceive that questions of this sort from me 
to you and your answers, are for my private infor- 
mation, and to go no farther than ourselves. * * * 



TO CHARLES M. THRUSTON 

[private] 
Philadelphia, 10 August, 1794, 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 21st of June came duly to 
hand. For the communications contained in it I 
thank you, as I shall do for any other that is inter- 
esting to the community, and necessary for me to 

laws will authorize these, they must be used as the dernier 
resort." — Washington to Hamilton, 16 September, 1792. 



448 George Washington 

be informed of. That there should exist in this 
country such a spirit as you say pervades the peo- 
ple of Kentucky, (and which I have also learnt 
through other channels,) is to me matter of great 
wonder ; and that it should prevail there, more than 
in any other part of the Union, is not less surpris- 
ing to those, who are acquainted with the exertions 
of the general government in their favor. But it 
will serve to evince, whensoever and to whomsoever 
facts are developed (and they are not unknown at 
this moment to many of the principal characters in 
that State), that there must exist a predisposition 
among them to be dissatisfied, under any circum- 
stances and under every exertion of government 
(short of a war with Spain, which must eventually 
involve one with Great Britain,) to promote their 
welfare. 

The protection they receive, and the unwearied 
endeavors of the general government to accom- 
plish, (by repeated and ardent remonstrances,) 
what they seem to have most at heart, namely, the 
navigation of the Mississippi, obtain no credit with 
them, or, what is full as likely, may be concealed 
from them or misrepresented by those Societies, 
who, under specious colorings, are spreading mis- 
chief far and wide, either from real ignorance of 
the measures pursuing by the government, or from 
a wish to bring it, as much as they are able, into 
discredit; for what purposes, every man is left to 
his own conjectures. 

That similar attempts to discontent the public 
mind have been practised with too much success in 



Charles M. Thruston 449 

some of the western counties in this State, you are, 
I am certain, not to learn.^ Actual rebellion 
against the laws of the United States exists at this 
moment, notwithstanding every lenient measure, 
which could comport with the duties of the public 
officers, has been exercised to reconcile them to 
the collection of the taxes upon spirituous liquors 
and stills. What may be the consequences of such 
violent and outrageous proceedings is painful in a 
high degree even in contemplation. But, if the 
laws are to be so trampled upon with impunity, 
and a minority, (a small one too,) is to dictate to 
the majority, there is an end put, at one stroke, to 
republican government; and nothing but anarchy 
and confusion is to be expected hereafter. Some 
other man or society may dislike another law, and 
oppose it with equal propriety, until all laws are 
prostrate, and every one, (the strongest I pre- 
sume,) will carve for himself. Yet there will be 
found persons, I have no doubt, who, although they 
may not be hardy enough to justify such open 
opposition to the laws, will nevertheless be opposed 
to coercion, even if the proclamation and the other 
temperate measures, which are in train by the exe- 
cutive to avert the dire necessity of a resort to 

1 " It is true that the opposition to the excise laws began 
from causes foreign to Democratic Societies, but it is well as- 
certained by proof in the course of judiciary investigations that 
the insurrection immediately is to be essentially attributed to 
one of those societies sometimes called the Mingo-Creek So- 
ciety, sometimes the Democratic Society. An early and active 
member of it commanded the first attack at Neville's House; 
another active member of that Society, McFarlane, the second 
attack." — Hamilton to Fitzsir.unons, 27 November, 1794. 



450 George Washington 

arms, should fail. How far such people may ex- 
tend their influence, and what may be the conse- 
quences thereof, is not easy to decide; but this we 
know, that it is not difficult by concealment of 
some facts and the exaggeration of others, (where 
there is an influence,) to bias a well-meaning mind, 
although we allow truth will ultimately prevail 
where there is pains taken to bring it to light. 

I have a great regard for General Morgan, and 
respect his military talents, and am persuaded, if a 
fit occasion should occur, no one would exert them 
with more zeal in the service of his country than he 
would. It is my ardent wish, however, that this 
country should remain in peace as long as the in- 
terest, honor, and dignity of it will permit, and 
its laws, enacted by the representatives of the peo- 
ple freely chosen, shall obtain. With much esteem, 
I am, dear Sir, &c. 



TO HENRY LEE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

[private] 

Germantown, 26 August, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 17th came duly to hand, and 
I thank you for its communications. As the in- 
surgents in the western counties of this State are 
resolved, (as far as we have yet been able to learn 
from the commissioners, who have been sent among 
them,) to persevere in their rebellious conduct un- 
til what they call the excise law is repealed, and 
acts of oblivion and amnesty are passed, it gives 



Henry Lee 451 

me sincere consolation amidst the regrets, with 
which I am filled by such lawless and outrageous 
conduct, to find by your letter above mentioned, 
that it is held in general detestation by the good 
people of Virginia, and that you are disposed to 
lend your personal aid to subdue this spii'it, and to 
bring those people to a proper sense of their duty. 

On this latter point I shall refer you to letters 
from the war office, and to a private one from 
Colonel Hamilton, (who, in the absence of the 
Secretary of War, superintends the military duties 
of that department,) for my sentiments on this 
occasion. 

It is with equal pride and satisfaction I add, that, 
as far as my information extends, this insurrection 
is viewed with universal indignation and abhor- 
rence, except by those, who have never missed an 
opportunity by side blows or otherwise to aim their 
shafts at the general government ; and even among 
these there is not a spirit hardy enough yet openly 
to justify the daring infractions of law and order; 
but by palliatives are attempting to suspend all 
proceedings against the insurgents, until Congress 
shall have decided on the case, thereby intending 
to gain time, and if possible to make the evil more 
extensive, more formidable, and of course more 
difficult to counteract and subdue. 

I consider this insurrection as the first formi- 
dable fruit of the Democratic Societies, brought 
forth, I believe, too prematurely for their own 
views, which may contribute to the annihilation of 
them. 



452 George Washington 

That these societies were instituted by the artful 
and designing members (many of their body I have 
no doubt mean well, but know little of the real 
plan,) primarily to sow the seeds of jealousy and 
distrust among the people of the government, by 
destroying all confidence in the administration of 
it, and that these doctrines have been budding and 
blowing ever since, is not new to any one, who is 
acquainted with the character of their leaders, and 
has been attentive to their manoeuvres. I early 
gave it as my opinion to the confidential characters 
around me, that, if these societies were not coun- 
teracted, (not by prosecutions, the ready way to 
make them grow stronger,) or did not fall into 
disesteem from the knowledge of their origin, and 
the views with which they had been instituted by 
their father. Genet, for purposes well known to 
the government, that they would shake the govern- 
ment to its foundation. Time and circumstances 
have confirmed me in this opinion; and I deeply 
regret the probable consequences; not as they will 
affect me personally, for I have not long to act 
on this theatre, and sure I am that not a man 
amongst them can be more anxious to put me aside, 
than I am to sink into the profomidest retirement, 
but because I see, under a display of popular and 
fascinating guises, the most diabolical attempts to 
destroy the best fabric of human government and 
happiness, that has ever been presented for the 
acceptance of mankind. 

A part of the plan for creating discord is, I per- 
ceive, to make me say things of others, and others 



Burges Ball 453 

of me, which have no foundation in truth. The 
first, in many instances I know to be the case ; and 
the second I believe to be so. But truth or false- 
hood is immaterial to them, provided the objects 
are promoted. * * * 



TO SURGES BALL 

Philadelphia, 25 September, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

Your letter of the 10th instant from the Sulphur 
Springs has been received. I hear with the great- 
est pleasure of the spirit, which so generally per- 
vades the militia of every State, that has been called 
upon on the present occasion; and of the decided 
discountenance the incendiaries of public peace and 
order have met with in their attempts to spread 
their nefarious doctrines, with a view to poison and 
discontent the minds of the people against the gov- 
ernment; particularly by endeavoring to have it 
believed, that their liberties were assailed, and that 
all the wicked and abominable measures that can 
be devised under specious guises are practised to 
sap the constitution, and lay the foundation of 
future slavery. 

The insurrection in the western counties of this 
State is a striking evidence of this, and may be con- 
sidered as the first ripe fruit of the Democratic So- 
cieties. I did not, I must confess, expect it would 
come to maturity so soon, though I never had a 
doubt that such conduct would produce some such 
issue, if it did not meet the frowns of those, who 



454 George Washington 

were well disposed to order and good government 
in time; for can any thing be more absurd, more 
arrogant, or more pernicious to the peace of society, 
than for self -created bodies, forming themselves 
into permanent censors, and under the shade of 
night in a conclave resolving that acts of Congress, 
which have undergone the most deliberate and 
solemn discussion by the representatives of the peo- 
ple, chosen for the express purpose and bringing 
with them from the different parts of the Union 
the sense of their constituents, endeavoring as far 
as the nature of the thing will admit to form their 
will into laws for the government of the whole; I 
say, under these circumstances, for a self-created 
permanent body ( for no one denies the right of the 
people to meet occasionally to petition for, or re- 
monstrate against, any act of the legislature) to 
declare that this act is unconstitutional, and that 
act is pregnant with mischiefs, and that all, who 
vote contrary to their dogmas, are actuated by self- 
ish motives or under foreign influence, nay, are 
pronounced traitors to their country? Is such a 
stretch of arrogant presumption to be reconciled 
with laudable motives, especially when we see the 
same set of men endeavoring to destroy all con- 
fidence in the administration, by arraigning all its 
acts, without knowing on what ground or with 
what information it proceeds? 

These things were evidently intended, and could 
not fail without counteraction, to disquiet the pub- 
lic mind; but I hope and trust this will work their 
own curse; especially when it is known more gen- 



Daniel Morgan 455 

erally than it is, that the Democratic Society of 
this place, from which the others have emanated, 
was instituted by M. Genet for the express pur- 
pose of dissension, and to draw a line between the 
people and the government, after he found the 
officers of the latter would not yield to the hostile 
measures in which he wanted to embroil this 
country. 

I hope this letter will find you, Mrs. Ball, and 
the family in better health, than when you wrote 
last. Remember me to them, and be assured that 
I remain your affectionate friend. 



TO MAJOE-GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN 

Carlisle, 8 October, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

In the moment I was leaving the city of Phila- 
delphia for this place, your letter of the 24th ultimo 
was put into my hands. Although I regret the 
occasion which has called you into the field, I re- 
joice to hear you are there; and it is probable I may 
meet you at Fort Cumberland, whither I shall pro- 
ceed, so soon as I see the troops at this rendezvous 
in condition to advance. At that place, or at Bed- 
ford, my ulterior resolution must be taken, either 
to advance with the troops into the insurgent coun- 
ties of this State, or to return to Philadelphia for 
the purpose of meeting Congress the 3d of next 
month. ^ 

1 " The President will be governed by circumstances. If the 
thing puts on an appearance of magnitude, he goes; if not, he 



456 George Washington 

Imperious circumstances alone can justify my 
absence from the seat of government, whilst Con- 
gress are in session; but if these, from the disposi- 
tion of the people in the refractory counties, and 
the state of the information I expect to receive at 
the advanced posts, should appear to exist, the 
lesser must yield to the greater duties of my office, 
and I shall cross the mountains with the troops; if 
not, I shall place the command of the combined 
force under the orders of Governor Lee of Vir- 
ginia, and repair to the seat of government. 

I am perfectly in sentiment with you, that the 
business we are drawn out upon should be effectu- 
ally executed, and that the daring and factious 
spirit, which has arisen (to overturn the laws and 
to subvert the constitution,) ought to be subdued. 
If this is not done, there is an end of, and we may 
bid adieu to, all government in this country, except 
mob and club government, from whence nothing 
but anarchy and confusion can ensue. If the mi- 
nority, and a small one too, is suffered to dictate to 
the majority, after measures have undergone the 
most solemn discussions by the representatives of 

stays. There is a pro and a con in the case." — Hamilton to 
Jay, 17 September, 1794. 

" I do not expect to be here [Fort Cumberland] more than 
two days; thence to Bedford, where, as soon as matters are 
arranged and a plan settled, I shall shape my course for Phila- 
delphia; but not because the impertinence of Mr. Bache or his 
correspondent has undertaken to pronounce, that I cannot 
constitutionally command the army, whilst Congress are in 
session." — Washington to Edmund Randolph, 16 October, 1794. 
This is the only instance in the history of the United States 
in which the President has assumed personal command and 
direction of troops in active service. 



Henry Lee 457 

the people, and their will through this medium is 
enacted into a law, there can be no security for life, 
liberty, or property ; nor if the laws are not to gov- 
ern, can any man know how to conduct himself in 
safety. There never was a law yet made, I con- 
ceive, that hit the taste exactly of every man, or 
every part of the community; of course, if this be 
a reason for opposition, no law can be executed at 
all without force, and every man or set of men will 
in that case cut and carve for themselves; the con- 
sequences of which must be deprecated by all 
classes of men, who are friends to order, and to 
the peace and happiness of the country. But how 
can things be otherwise than they are, when clubs 
and societies have been instituted for the express 
purpose, though clothed in another garb, by their 
diabolical leader Genet, whose object was to sow 
sedition, to poison the minds of the people of this 
country, and to make them discontented with the 
government of it, who have labored indefatigably 
to effect these purposes. * * * 



TO HENRY LEE^ COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE 
MILITIA ARMY 

Bedford, 20 October, 1794. 

Sir, 

Being about to return to the seat of government, 
I cannot take my departure, without conveying 
through you to the army under your command, the 
very high sense I entertain of the enlightened and 
patriotic zeal for the constitution and the laws, 



458 George Washington 

which has led them cheerfully to quit their families, 
homes, and the comforts of private life, to under- 
take and thus far to perform a long and fatiguing 
march, and to encounter the hardships and priva- 
tions of a military life. Their conduct hitherto 
affords a full assurance, that their perseverance 
will be equal to their zeal, and that they will con- 
tinue to perform with alacrity whatever the full ac- 
complishment of the object of their march shall 
render necessary. 

No citizens of the United States can ever be en- 
gaged in a service more important to their coun- 
try. It is nothing less than to consolidate and to 
preserve the blessings of that revolution, which, at 
much expense of blood and treasure, constituted 
us a free and independent nation. It is to give 
the world an illustrious example, of the utmost 
consequence to the cause of mankind. I experi- 
ence a heart-felt satisfaction in the conviction, that 
the conduct of the troops throughout will be in 
every respect answerable to the goodness of the 
cause and the magnitude of the stake. 

There is but one other point on which I think it 
proper to add a special recommendation; it is, that 
every officer and soldier will constantly bear in 
mind, that he comes to support the laws, and that 
it would be peculiarly unbecoming in him to be in 
any way the infractor of them; that the essential 
principles of a free government confine the prov- 
ince of the military, when called forth on such oc- 
casions, to these two objects, first, to combat and 
subdue all who may be found in arms in opposition 



Henry Lee 459 

to the national will and authority, secondly, to aid 
and support the civil magistrates in bringing 
offenders to justice. The dispensation of this jus- 
tice belongs to the civil magistrate; and let it ever 
be our pride and our glory to leave the sacred 
deposit there inviolate. Convey to my fellow-citi- 
zens in arms my warm acknowledgments for the 
readiness, with which they have hitherto seconded 
me in the most delicate and momentous duty the 
chief magistrate of a free people can have to per- 
form, and add my affectionate wishes for their 
health, comfort, and success. Could my further 
presence with, them have been necessary, or com- 
patible with my civil duties at a period when the 
approaching commencement of a session of Con- 
gress particularly calls me to return to the seat of 
government, it would not have been withheld. In 
leaving them I have the less regret, as I know I 
commit them to an able and faithful direction, and 
that this direction will be ably and faithfully 
seconded by all. I am, &c.^ 

1 " I heard great complaints of Gurney's Corps (and some 
of the Artillery) along the road to Strasburgh. — There I parted 
from their Rout. — In some places, I was told they did not leave 
a plate, a spoon, a glass or a knife; and this owing, in a great 
measure, as I was informed, to their being left without Offi- 
cers. — At most if not all the encampments, I found the fences 
in a manner burnt up. — I pray you to mention this to Govr. 
Mifflin, (and indeed to the Qr. Mr. General) with a request (to 
the former) that the most pointed orders may be given, and 
every precaution used, to prevent the like on the return of the 
Army. If the Officers from impatience to get home, should 
leave their respective commands; — in a word, if they do not 
march with, and keep the soldiers in their ranks, and from 
straggling or loitering behind, the borderers on the road will 
sustain inconceivable damage from the disorderly Troops; 



460 George Washington 

TO JOHN JAY 

[private] 

Philadelphia, 1 November, 1794. 

My Deae Sir, 

* * * As you have been, and will continue to 
be, fully informed by the Secretary of State of all 
transactions of a public nature, which relate to, 
or may have an influence on, the points of your 
mission, it would be unnecessary for me to touch 
upon any of them in this letter, was it not for the 
presumption that the insurrection in the western 
counties of this State has excited much specula- 
tion, and a variety of opinions abroad, and will 
be represented differently according to the wishes 
of some and the prejudices of others, who may ex- 
hibit it as an evidence of what has been predicted, 
" that we are unable to govern ourselves." Under 
this view of the subject, I am happy in giving it 
to you as the general opinion, that this event hav- 
ing happened at the time it did was fortunate, 
although it will be attended with considerable 
expense. 

That the self -created societies, which have spread 
themselves over this country, have been laboring 
incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, 

whose names will be execrated for, and the service disgraced by 
such conduct." — Washington to Hamilton, 26 October, 1794. 
This letter was written while Washington was on the way from 
Bedford to Philadelphia. 

" Press the governor to be pointed in ordering the officers 
under their respective commands to march back with their 
respective corps; and to see that the inhabitants meet with no 
disgraceful insults or injuries from them." — Washington to 
Hamilton, 31 October, 1794. 



John Jay 461 

and of course discontent, thereby hoping to effect 
some revolution in the government, is not unknown 
to you. That they have been the fomenters of the 
western disturbances admits of no doubt in the 
mind of any one, who will examine their conduct; 
but fortunately they have precipitated a crisis for 
which they were not prepared, and thereby have 
unfolded views, which will, I trust, effectuate their 
annihilation sooner than it might otherwise have 
happened; at the same time that it has afforded an 
occasion for the people of this country to show 
their abhorrence of the result, and their attach- 
ment to the constitution and the laws ; for I believe 
that five times the number of militia, that was re- 
quired, would have come forward, if it had been 
necessary, in support of them. 

The spirit, which blazed out on this occasion, as 
soon as the object was fully understood, and the 
lenient measures of the government were made 
known to the people, deserves to be communicated. 
There are instances of general officers going at the 
head of a single troop, and of light companies; of 
field-officers, when they came to the places of ren- 
dezvous, and found no command for them in that 
grade, turning into the ranks and proceeding as 
private soldiers, under their own captains; and of 
numbers, possessing the first fortunes in the coun- 
try, standing in the ranks as private men, and 
marching day by day with their knapsacks and 
haversacks at their backs, sleeping on straw with 
a single blanket in a soldier's tent, during the 
frosty nights, which we have had, by way of ex- 



462 George Washington 

ample to others — nay more, many young Quak- 
ers, not discouraged by the elders, of the first 
families, character, and property, having turned 
into the ranks and are marching with the troops. 

These things have terrified the insurgents, who 
had no conception that such a spirit prevailed, but, 
while the thunder only rumbled at a distance, were 
boasting of their strength, and wishing for and 
threatening the >militia by turns; intimating that 
the arms they should take from them would soon 
become a magazine in their hands. Their lan- 
guage is much changed indeed, but their principles 
want correction. 

I shall be more prolix in my speech to Congress 
on the commencement and progress of this insur- 
rection, than is usual in such an instrument, or 
than I should have been on any other occasion; 
but, as numbers at home and abroad will hear of 
the insurrection, and will read the speech, that may 
know nothing of the documents to which it might 
refer, I conceived it would be better to encounter 
the charge of prolixity by giving a cursory detail 
of facts, that would show the prominent features 
of the thing, than to let it go naked into the World, 
to be dressed up according to the fancy or incli- 
nation of the readers, or the policy of our 
enemies. * * * 



Speech to Congress 463 

SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, 
NOVEMBER 19, 1794 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives : 

When we call to mind the gracious indulgence 
of Heaven, by which the American people became 
a nation; when we survey the general prosperity 
of our country, and look forward to the riches, 
power, and happiness to which it seems destined; 
with the deepest regret do I announce to you, that, 
during your recess, some of the citizens of the 
United States have been found capable of an in- 
surrection. It is due, however, to the character 
of our government, and to its stability, which can- 
not be shaken by the enemies of order, freely to 
unfold the course of this event. 

During the session of the year 1790, it was ex- 
pedient to exercise the legislative power, granted 
by the constitution of the United States, " to lay 
and collect excises." In a majority of the States, 
scarcely an objection was made to this mode of 
taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first 
conceived, until they were banished by reason and 
patriotism. In the four western counties of 
Pennsylvania, a prejudice, fostered and embittered 
by the artifice of men, who labored for an ascend- 
ency over the will of others by the guidance of their 
passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence. 
It is well known, that Congress did not hesitate to 
examine the complaints which were presented, and 
to relieve them, as far as justice dictated, or 



464 George Washington 

general convenience would permit. But the im- 
pression which this moderation made on the 
discontented, did not correspond with what it de- 
served ; the arts of delusion were no longer confined 
to the efforts of designing individuals. 

The very forbearance to press prosecutions was 
misinterpreted into a fear of urging the execution 
of the laws; and associations of men began to de- 
nounce threats against the officers employed. From 
a belief, that, by a more formal concert, their opera- 
tion might be defeated, certain self -created societies 
assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while 
the greater part of Pennsylvania itself were con- 
forming themselves to the acts of excise, a few 
counties were resolved to frustrate them. It was 
now perceived, that every expectation from the 
tenderness, which had hitherto been pursued, was 
unavailing, and that further delay could only 
create an opinion of impotency or irresolution in 
the government. Legal process was, therefore, 
delivered to the marshal, against the rioters and 
delinquent distillers. 

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in 
this duty, than the vengeance of armed men was 
aimed at his person, and the person and property 
of the inspector of the revenue. They fired upon 
the marshal, arrested him, and detained him for 
some time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the 
jeopardy of his life, to renounce the service of 
other process on the west side of the Allegany 
Mountain; and a deputation was afterwards sent 
to him to demand a surrender of that which he had 



Speech to Congress 465 

served. A numerous body repeatedly attacked the 
house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, 
and finally destroyed, by fire, his buildings, and 
whatsoever they contained. Both of these officers, 
from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat 
of government; it being avowed, that the motives 
to such outrages were to compel the resignation of 
the inspector, to withstand, by force of arms, the 
authority of the United States, and thereby to ex- 
tort a repeal of the laws of excise, and an alteration 
in the conduct of government. 

Upon the testimony of these facts, an associate 
justice of the Supreme Court of the United States 
notified to me, that " in the counties of Washing- 
ton and Allegany, in Pennsylvania, laws of the 
United States were opposed, and the execution 
thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful 
to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial 
proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshal 
of that district." On this call, momentous in the 
extreme, I sought and weighed what might best 
subdue the crisis. On the one hand, the judiciary 
was pronounced to be stripped of its capacity to 
enforce the laws; crimes, which reached the very 
existence of social order, were perpetrated without 
control; the friends of government were insulted, 
abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent 
acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury 
of so small a portion of the United States would 
be to violate the fundamental principle of our 
constitution, which enjoins, that the will of the 
majority shall prevail. On the other, to array 



466 George Washington 

citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of 
such excesses, to encounter the expense and other 
embarrassments of so distant an expedition, were 
steps too dehcate, too closely interwoven with many 
affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted. I 
postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia 
immediately into the field; but I required them to 
be held in readiness, that if my anxious endeavors 
to reclaim the deluded, and to convince the malig- 
nant of their danger, should be fruitless, military 
force might be prepared to act, before the season 
should be too far advanced. 

My proclamation of the 7th of August last was 
accordingly issued, and accompanied by the ap- 
pointment of commissioners, who were charged to 
repair to the scene of insurrection. They were 
authorized to confer with any bodies of men, or 
individuals. They were instructed to be candid 
and explicit, in stating the sensations which had 
been excited in the executive, and his earnest wish 
to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, how- 
ever, that, without submission, coercion must be 
the resort; but to invite them, at the same time, 
to return to the demeanor of faithful citizens, by 
such accommodations as lay within the sphere of 
the executive power. Pardon, too, was tendered 
to them by the government of the United States, 
and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition, 
than a satisfactory assurance of obedience to the 
laws. 

Although the report of the commissioners marks 
their firmness and abilities, and must unite all 



\ 



Speech to Congress 467 

virtuous men, by showing that the means of con- 
ciHation have been exhausted ; all of those, who had 
committed or abetted the tumults, did not subscribe 
the mild form, which was proposed as the atone- 
ment; and the indications of a peaceable temper 
were neither sufficiently general nor conclusive to 
recommend or warrant a further suspension of the 
march of the militia. 

Thus the painful alternative could not be dis- 
carded. I ordered the militia to march, after once 
more admonishing the insurgents, in my proclama- 
tion of the 25th of September last. 

It was a task too difficult to ascertain, with pre- 
cision, the lowest degree of force competent to the 
quelling of the insurrection. From a respect, in- 
deed, to economy and the ease of my fellow-citizens 
belonging to the militia, it would have gratified 
me to accomplish such an estimate. My very 
reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the 
opposition, had its extent been accurately seen, 
would have been a decided inducement to the 
smallest efficient numbers. In this uncertainty, 
therefore, I put in motion fifteen thousand men, as 
being an army, which, according to all human cal- 
culation, would be prompt, and adequate in every 
view, and might perhaps, by rendering resistance 
desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas 
had been assigned to the States of New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia; the gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania having declared on this oc- 
casion an opinion which justified a requisition to 
the other States. 



468 George Washington 

As Commander-in-chief of the militia, when 
called into the actual service of the United States, 
I have visited the places of general rendezvous, to 
obtain more exact information, and to direct a plan 
for ulterior movements. Had there been room for 
a persuasion, that the laws were secure from ob- 
struction; that the civil magistrate was able to 
bring to justice such of the most culpable, as have 
not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and 
may be deemed fit objects of example; that the 
friends of peace and good government were not 
in need of that aid and countenance, which they 
ought always to receive, and I trust ever will re- 
ceive, against the vicious and turbulent, I should 
have caught with avidity the opportunity of restor- 
ing the militia to their families and home. But 
succeeding intelligence has tended to manifest the 
necessity of what has been done; it being now con- 
fessed, by those who were not inchned to exagger- 
ate the ill conduct of the insurgents, that their 
malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular 
law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actu- 
ated many of the offenders. If the state of things 
had afforded reason for the continuance of my pres- 
ence with the army, it would not have been with- 
holden; but, every appearance assuring such an 
issue as will redound to the reputation and strength 
of the United States, I have judged it most proper 
to resume my duties at the seat of government, 
leaving the chief command with the governor of 
Virginia. 

Still, however, as it is probable, that, in a com- 



Speech to Congress 469 

motion like the present, whatsoever may be the 
pretence, the purposes of mischief and revenge may 
not be laid aside; the stationing of a small force 
for a certain period, in the four w^estern counties of 
Pennsylvania, will be indispensable, whether we 
contemplate the situation of those who are con- 
nected with the execution of the laws, or of others, 
who may have exposed themselves by an honorable 
attachment to them. 

Thirty days from the commencement of this ses- 
sion being the legal limitation of the employment 
of the militia. Congress cannot be too early oc- 
cupied with this subject. 

Among the discussions, which may arise from 
this aspect of our affairs, and from the documents 
which will be submitted to Congress, it will not 
escape their observation, that not only the inspec- 
tor of the revenue, but other officers of the United 
States in Pennsylvania, have, from their fidehty 
in the discharge of their functions, sustained 
material injuries to their property. The ob- 
ligation and policy of indemnifying them are 
strong and obvious. It may also merit attention, 
whether policy will not enlarge this provision to 
the retribution of other citizens, who, though 
not under the ties of office, may have suffered 
damage by their generous exertions for upholding 
the constitution and the laws. The amount, 
even if all the injured were included, would 
not be great; and, on future emergencies, the 
government would be amply repaid by the in- 
fluence of an example, that he who incurs a loss 



47© George Washington 

in its defence shall find a recompense in its 
liberality/ 

While there is cause to lament, that occurrences 
of this nature should have disgraced the name, or 
interrupted the tranquillity, of any part of our 
community, or should have diverted to a new ap- 
plication any portion of the public resources, there 
are not wanting real and substantial consolations 
for the misfortune. It has demonstrated, that our 
prosperity rests on solid foundations ; by furnishing 
an additional proof, that my fellow-citizens under- 
stand the true principles of government and lib- 
erty; that they feel their inseparable union; that, 
notwithstanding all the devices, which have been 
used to sway them from their interest and duty, 
they are now as ready to maintain the authority of 
the laws against licentious invasions, as they were 

1 It is instructive to contrast Washington's plain recital of 
the origin and progress of the Whiskey Insurrection with Jef- 
ferson's distorted account of the same events: 

" The servile copyist of Mr. Pitt, thought he too must have 
his alarms, his insurrections and plots against the Constitu- 
tion, Hence the incredible fact that the freedom of association, 
of conversation and of the press, should in the 5th year of our 
government have been attacked under the form of a denuncia- 
tion of the democratic societies, a measure which even England, 
as boldly as she is advancing to the establishment of an 
absolute monarchy, has not yet been bold enough to attempt. 
Hence too the example of employing military force for civil 
purposes, when it has been impossible to produce a single fact 
of insurrection, unless that term be entirely confounded with 
occasional riots, and when the ordinary process of law had 
been resisted indeed in a few special cases, but by no means 
generally, nor had its effect been duly tried. But it aroused 
the favorite purposes of strengthening government and in- 
creasing the public debt; and therefore an insurrection was 
announced and proclaimed and armed against and marched 



speech to Congress 47 ^ 

to defend their rights against usurpation. It has 
been a spectacle, displaying to the highest advan- 
tage the value of republican government, to behold 
the most and least wealthy of our citizens standing 
in the same ranks as private soldiers ; preeminently 
distinguished by being the army of the constitu- 
tion ; undeterred by a march of three hundred miles 
over rugged mountains, by the approach of an 
inclement season, or by any other discouragement. 
Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious 
and patriotic co-operation, which I have experi- 
enced from the chief magistrates of the States to 
which my requisitions have been addressed. 

To every description, indeed, of citizens, let 
praise be given; but let them persevere in their 
affectionate vigilance over that precious depository 
of American happiness, the constitution of the 

against, but could never be found. And all this under the sanc- 
tion of a name which has done too much good not to be sufficient 
to cover harm also. And what is equally astonishing is that 
by the pomp of reports, proclamations, armies, &c, the mind 
of the legislature itself was so fascinated as never to have asked 
where, when and by whom has this insurrection been pro- 
duced? The original of this scene in another country was cal- 
culated to excite the indignation of those whom it could not 
impose on: the mimicry of it here is too humiliating to excite 
any feeling but shame. Our comfort is that the public sense 
is coming right on the general principles of republicanism, and 
that its success in France puts it out of danger here." — Jeffer- 
son to Monroe, 26 May, 1795. 

" The insurgents are alarmed, but not yet brought to their 
proper senses. Every means is devised by them and their 
friends and associates elsewhere to induce a belief, that there is 
no necessity for troops crossing the mountains; although we 
have information, at the same time, that part of the people 
there are obliged to embody themselves to repel the insults of 
another ^a.rt."— Washington to Randolph, 9 October, 1794, 



472 George Washington 

United States. Let them cherish it, too, for the 
sake of those, who, from every cUme, are daily seek- 
ing a dwelling in our land. And when, in the calm 
moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the 
origin and progress of the insurrection, let them 
determine, whether it has not been fomented by 
combinations of men, who, careless of conse- 
quences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that 
those who rouse, cannot always appease, a civil con- 
vulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or 
perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and ac- 
cusations of the whole government. 

Having thus fulfilled the engagement, which I 
took, when I entered into ofiice, " to the best of my 
ability to preserve, protect, and defend the con- 
stitution of the United States," on you. Gentle- 
men, and the people by whom you are deputed, I 
rely for support.^ * * * 



TO EDMUND PENDLETON 

Philadelphia, 22 January, 1795. 

Deae Sik, 

* * * I hope and believe, that the spirit of 

1 Washington's policy in dealing with the insurrection in 
Pennsylvania was warmly commended by the Senate and the 
House in their replies to this message. See Richardson, Mes- 
sages and Papers of the Presidents, i., 168-171. 

" As I expected, and as you were informed the result would 
probably be, so it has happened; that the Western insurrection 
has terminated highly honorable for this country, which by the 
energy of its Laws, and the good disposition of its citizens, have 
brought the rioters to a perfect sense of their misconduct, with- 
out shedding a drop of blood. In the eyes of foreigners among 
us, this affair stands in a high point of view." — Washington 
to Jay, 18 December, 1794, 



President of Congress 473 

anarchy in the western counties of this State, (to 
quell which the force of the Union was called for,) 
is entirely subdued; and although, to effect it, the 
community has been saddled with a considerable 
expense, yet I trust no money would have been 
more advantageously expended, both as it respects 
the internal peace and welfare of this country, and 
the impression it will make on others. The spirit 
with which the militia turned out in support of the 
constitution and the laws of our country, at the 
same time that it does them immortal honor, is the 
most conclusive refutation, that could have been 
given to the assertions of Lord Sheffield, that, 
without the protection of Great Britain, we should 
be unable to govern ourselves, and would soon be 
involved in confusion. They will see, that repub- 
licanism is not the phantom of a deluded imagina- 
tion. On the contrary, that, under no form of 
government, will laws be better supported, liberty 
and property better secured, or happiness be more 
effectually dispensed to mankind. 



5. The Settlement of the West 



TO THE PRESn)ENT OF CONGRESS 

Head Quarters, Newburg, 
17 June, 1783. 

Sir: 

I have the honor of transmitting to your Ex- 
cellency for the consideration of Congress, a Pe- 



474 George Washington 

tition from a large number of Officers of the Army 
ill behalf of themselves, and such other Officers and 
Soldiers of the Continental Army as are entitled 
to rewards in lands, and may choose to avail them- 
selves of any Priviledges and Grants which shall 
be obtained in consequence of the present solicita- 
tion — I enclose also the Copy of a Letter from 
Brigr. General Putnam in which the sentiments 
and expectations of the Petitioners are more fully 
explained; and in which the ideas of occupying the 
Posts in the Western Country will be found to 
correspond very nearly with those I have some 
time since communicated to a Committee of Con- 
gress, in treating of the subject of a Peace Estab- 
lishment. — I will beg leave to make a few more 
observations on the general benefits of the Loca- 
tion and Settlement now proposed; and then sub- 
mit the justice & policy of the measure to the 
wisdom of Congress. 

Altho' I pretend not myself to determine how 
far the district of unsettled Country which is de- 
scribed in the Petition is free from the claim of 
every State, or how far this disposal of it may 
interfere with the views of Congress, yet it appears 
to me this is the Tract which from its local position 
and peculiar advantages ought to be first settled 
in preference to any other whatever, and I am 
perfectly convinced that it cannot be so advan- 
tageously settled by any other class of men as by 
the disbanded Officers and Soldiers of the Army 
— to whom the faith of Government hath long 
since been pledged, that lands should be granted 



President of Congress 475 

at the expiration of the War, in certain propor- 
tions agreeably to their respective grades. 

I am induced to give my sentiments thus freely 
on the advantages to be expected from this plan 
of Colonization — because it would connect our 
Governments with the frontiers, extend our settle- 
ments progressively — and plant a brave, a hardy, 
& respectable Race of People as our advanced 
[guard?,] who would be always ready & willing (in 
case of hostility) to combat the Savages, and check 
their incursions — ^A Settlement formed of such 
Men would give security to our frontiers — the 
very name of it would awe the Indians — and more 
than probably prevent the murder of many inno- 
cent Families, which frequently in the usual mode 
of extending our Settlements & Encroachments on 
the hunting grounds of the Natives, fall the hap- 
less Victims to savage barbarity — Besides the 
emoluments which might be derived from the Pel- 
try Trade at our Factories, if such should be 
established; the appearance of so formidable a 
Settlement in the vicinity of their towns (to say 
nothing of the barrier it would form against our 
other Neighbors) would be the most likely means 
to enable us to purchase upon equitable terms of 
the Aborigines their right of preoccupancy ; and to 
induce them to relinquish our Territories, and to 
remove into the illimitable regions of the West. 

INIuch more might be said of the public utility of 
such a Location, as well as of the private felicity it 
would afford to the Individuals concerned in it — 
I will venture to say — it is the most rational & 



476 George Washington 

practicable Scheme which can be adopted by a 
great proportion of the Officers & Soldiers of our 
Army, and promises them more happiness than 
they can expect in any other way. 

The Settlers being in the prime of Ufe, inured to 
hardship & taught by experience to accommodate 
themselves in every situation — going in a consider- 
able body, and under the patronage of Govern- 
ment, would enjoy in the first instance advantages 
in procuring subsistence and all the necessaries for 
a comfortable beginning, superior to any common 
class of Emigrants & quite unknown to those who 
have heretofore extended themselves beyond the 
Apalachian Mountains. They may expect after 
a little perseverance. Competence 8^ Independence 
for themselves, a pleasant retreat in old age — and 
the fairest prospects for their children. I have &;c. 



TO JAMES DUANE, IN CONGRESS 

Rocky Hill, 7 September, 1783. 

SlE, 

I have carefully perused the papers, which you 
put into my hands, relative to Indian affairs. My 
Sentiments, with respect to the proper line of con- 
duct to be observed towards these people, coincide 
precisely with those delivered by Genl. Schuyler, 
so far as he has gone, in his Letter of the 29th 
July to Congress (which, with the other Papers, is 
herewith returned), and for the reasons he has 
there assigned; a repetition of them therefore by 



James Duane 477 

me would be unnecessary. But, independent of 
the arguments made use of by him, the follow- 
ing considerations have no small weight in my 
mind. 

To suffer a wide-extended Country to be over- 
run with Land Jobbers, speculators, and monopo- 
lizers, or even with scattered settlers, is in my 
opinion inconsistent with that wisdom and policy, 
which our true interest dictates, or that an enlight- 
ened people ought to adopt; and, besides, is 
pregnant of disputes both with the Savages and 
among ourselves, the evils of which are easier to 
be conceived than described. And for what, but 
to aggrandize a few avaricious men, to the pre- 
judice of many and the embarrassment of Govern- 
ment? For the People engaged in these pursuits, 
without contributing in the smallest degree to the 
support of Government, or considering themselves 
as amenable to its Laws, will involve it, by their 
unrestrained conduct, in inextricable perplexi- 
ties, and more than probably in a great deal of 
bloodshed. 

My ideas, therefore, of the line of conduct proper 
to be observed, not only towards the Indians, but 
for the government of the Citizens of America, in 
their Settlement of the Western Country, (which is 
intimately connected therewith,) are simply these. 

First, and as a preliminary, that all prisoners, of 
whatever age or sex, among the Indians, shall be 
delivered up. 

That the Indians should be informed, that after 
a Contest of eight years for the Sovereignty of this 



478 George Washington 

Country, Great Britain has ceded all the lands to 
the United States within the limits described by 
the — articles of the provisional treaty. 

That as they (the Indians), maugre all the ad- 
vice and admonition which could be given them at 
the commencement and during the prosecution of 
the war, could not be restrained from acts of hos- 
tility, but were determined to join their arms to 
those of G. Britain and to share their fortunes, so 
consequently, with a less generous people than 
Americans, they would be made to share the same 
fate, and be compelled to retire along with them 
beyond the Lakes. But, as we prefer Peace to a 
state of Warfare ; as we consider them as a deluded 
People; as we persuade ourselves that they are 
convinced, from experience, of their error in tak- 
ing up the Hatchet against us, and that their true 
Interest and safety must now depend upon our 
friendship; as the Country is large enough to con- 
tain us all; and as we are disposed to be kind to 
them and to partake of their Trade, we will, from 
these considerations and from motives of compas- 
sion, draw a veil over what is past, and establish 
a boundary line between them and us, beyond 
which we will endeavor to restrain our People from 
Hunting or Settling, and within which they 
shall not come but for the purposes of Trading, 
Treating, or other business unexceptionable in 
its nature. 

In establishing this line, in the first instance, care 
■should be taken neither to yield nor to grasp at 
too much; but to endeavor to impress the Indians 



James Duane 479 

with an idea of the generosity of our disposition to 
accommodate them, and with the necessity we are 
under, of providing for our warriors, our Young 
People who are growing up, and strangers who are 
coming from other Countries to live among us, and 
if they should make a point of it, or appear dis- 
satisfied with the line we may find it necessary to 
establish, compensation should be made for their 
claims within it. 

It is needless for me to express more explicitly, 
because the tendency of my observns. evinces it is 
my opinion, that, if the legislature of the State of 
New York should insist upon expelling the Six 
Nations from all the Country they Inliabited pre- 
vious to the war, within their Territory, (as Gen- 
eral Schuyler seems to be apprehensive of,) it will 
end in another Indian war. I have every reason 
to believe from my inquiries, and the information 
I have received, that they will not suffer their 
Country (if it were our policy to take it before 
we could settle it) to be wrested from them with- 
out another struggle. That they would com- 
promise for a part of it, I have very little doubt; 
and that it would be the cheapest way of coming 
at it, I have no doubt at all. The same observa- 
tions, I am persuaded, will hold good with respect 
to Virginia, or any other State, which has powerful 
tribes of Indians on their Frontiers ; and the reason 
of my mentioning New York is because General 
Schuyler has expressed his opinion of the temper 
of its Legislature, and because I have been more 
in the way of learning the sentimts. of the Six 



480 George Washington 

Nations than of any other Tribes of Indians on 
this Subject. 

The limits being sufficiently extensive, in the new 
ctry., to comply with all the engagements of gov- 
ernment, and to admit such emigrations as may be 
supposed to happen within a given time, not only 
from the several States of the Union but from 
Foreign Countries, and, moreover, of such 
magnitude as to form a distinct and proper gov- 
ernment; a Proclamation, in my opinion, should 
issue, making it Felony (if there is power for the 
purpose, if not, imposing some very heavy re- 
straint) for any person to Survey or Settle beyond 
the Line; and the Officers commanding the Fron- 
tier Garrisons should have pointed and peremptory 
orders to see that the Proclamation is carried into 
effect. 

Measures of this sort would not only obtain 
Peace from the Indians, but would, in my opinion, 
be the means of preserving it. It would dispose of 
the Land to the best advantage. People the Coun- 
try progressively, and check land jobbing and 
monopolizing, which are now going forward with 
great avidity, while the door would be open and 
terms known for every one to obtain what is reason- 
able and proper for himself, upon legal and con- 
stitutional ground. 

Every advantage, that could be expected or even 
wished for, would result from such a mode of 
procedure. Our settlements would be compact, 
government well established, and our barrier 
formidable, not only for ourselves but against our 



James Duane 481 

neighs.; and the Indians, as has been observed in 
Genl. Schuyler's letter, will ever retreat as our set- 
tlements advance upon them, and they will be as 
ready to sell, as we are to buy. That it is the 
cheapest, as well as the least distressing way of 
dealing with them, none, who is acquainted with 
the nature of an Indian warfare, and has ever been 
at the trouble of estimating the expense of one, and 
comparing it with the cost of purchasing their 
Lands, will hesitate to acknowledge. 

Unless some such measures, as I have here taken 
the liberty of suggesting, are speedily adopted, one 
of two capital evils, in my opinion, will inevitably 
result, and is near at hand ; either that the settling, 
or rather overspreading, of the western Country 
will take place by a parcel of Banditti, who will bid 
defiance to all authority, while they are skimming 
and disposing of the Cream of the Country at the 
expense of many suffering officers and soldiers, 
who have fought and bled to obtain it, and are now 
waiting the decision of Congress to point them 
to the promised reward of their past dangers and 
toils; or a renewal of Hostilities with the Indians, 
brought about more than probably by this very 
means. 

How far agents for Indian affrs. are indispen- 
sably necessary, I shall not take upon me to decide ; 
but, if any should be appointed, their powers should 
be circumscribed, accurately defined, and them- 
selves rigidly punished for every infraction of them. 
A recurrence to the conduct of these people, under 
the British administration of Indian affairs, will 



482 George Washington 

manifest the propriety of this caution, as it will 
be there found that self-interest was the principle 
by which their agents was actuated ; and to promote 
this by accumulating Lands and passing large 
quantities of goods thro' their hands, the Indians 
were made to speak any language they pleased 
by their representation, and were pacific or hostile 
as their purposes were most likely to be promoted 
by the one or the other. No purchase under any 
pretence whatever should be made by any other 
authority than that of the sovereign power, or the 
Legislature of the State in which such Lands may 
happen to be; nor should the agents be permitted 
directly or indirectly to trade, but to have a fixed 
and ample Salary allowed them, as a full compen- 
sation for their trouble. 

Whether in practice the measure may answer as 
well as it appears in theory to me, I will not under- 
take to say; but I think, if the Indian Trade was 
carried on, on government acct. and with no 
greater advance than what would be necessary to 
defray the expense and risk, and bring in a small 
profit, that it would supply the Indians upon much 
easier terms than they usually are, engross their 
Trade, and fix them strongly in our Interest, and 
would be a much better mode of treating them, 
than that of giving presents, where a few only are 
benefited by them. I confess there is difficulty 
in getting a man, or set of men, in whose abilities 
and integrity there can be a perfect reliance, with- 
out which the scheme is liable to such abuse as to 
defeat the salutary ends, which are proposed from 



James Duane 483 

it. At any rate, no person should be suffered to 
Trade with the Indians without first obtaining a 
license, and giving security to conform to such 
Rules and Regulations as shall be prescribed, as 
was the case before the war. 

In giving my sentiments in the month of May 
last (at the request of a Committee of Congress) 
on a Peace Establishmt., I took the liberty of sug- 
gesting the propriety, which in my opinion there 
appeared, of paying particular attention to the 
French and other settlers at Detroit and other 
parts within the limits of the western Country. 
The perusal of a late pamphlet, entitled " Obser- 
vations on the Commerce of the American States 
with Europe and the West Indies," impresses the 
necessity of it more forcibly than ever on my mind. 
The author of that Piece strongly recommends a 
liberal change in the government of Canada; and, 
tho' he is too sanguine in his expectations of the 
benefits arising from it, there can be no doubt of 
the good policy of the measure. It behoves us, 
therefore, to counteract them by anticipation. 
These People have a disposition towards us sus- 
ceptible of favorable impressions; but, as no arts 
will be left unattempted by the B. to withdraw 
them from our Interest, the prest, moment should 
be employed by us to fix them in it, or we may lose 
them for ever, and with them the advantages or dis- 
advantages consequent of the choice they may 
make. From the best information and maps of 
that Country it would appear, that the territory 
from the mouth of the Great Miami River, wch. 



484 George Washington 

empties into the Ohio, to its confluence with the 
Mad River, thence by a Line to the JMiami fort 
and Village on the other Miami River, wch. empties 
into Lake Erie, and Thence by a Line to include 
the Settlement of Detroit, would, with Lake Erie 
to the noward, Pensa. to the Eastwd., and the Ohio 
to the soward, form a governmt. sufficiently ex- 
tensive to fulfil all the public engagements, and to 
receive moreover a large population by Emigrants ; 
and to confine the Settlement of the new State 
within these bounds would, in my opinion, be in- 
finitely better, even supposing no disputes were to 
happen with the Indians, and that it was not neces- 
sary to guard against these other evils which have 
been enumerated, than to suffer the same number 
of People to roam over a Country of at least 500,- 
000 Square miles, contributing nothing to the sup- 
port, but much perhaps to the embarrassment, of 
the Federal Government. 

Was it not for the purpose of comprehending the 
Settlement of Detroit within the Jurisdn. of the 
new Governmt., a more compact and better shaped 
district for a State would be, for the line to pro- 
ceed from the Miami Fort and Village along the 
River of that name to Lake Erie; leaving in that 
case the settlement of Detroit, and all the Territory 
no. of the Rivers Miami and St. Joseph's between 
the Lakes Erie, St. Clair, Huron, and Michigan, 
to form hereafter another State equally large, com- 
pact, and water-bounded.^ 

1 The boundaries here suggested by Washington roughly out- 
line the present States of Ohio and Michigan. 



James Duane 485 

At first view it may seem a little extraneous, 
when I am called upon to give an opinion upon the 
terms of a Peace proper to be made with the 
Indians, that I should go into the formation of 
New States. But the Settlemt. of the Western 
Country, and making a Peace with the Indians, 
are so analogous, that there can be no definition of 
the one, without involving considerations of the 
other ; for, I repeat it again, and I am clear in my 
opinion, that policy and oeconomy point very 
strongly to the expediency of being upon good 
terms with the Indians, and the propriety of pur- 
chasing their Lands in preference to attempting 
to drive them by force of arms out of their Coun- 
try; which, as we have already experienced, is like 
driving the wild Beasts of ye forest, which will re- 
turn as soon as the pursuit is at an end, and fall 
perhaps upon those that are left there; when the 
gradual extension of our settlements will as cer- 
tainlj'- cause the savage, as the wolf, to retire; both 
being beasts of prey, tho' they differ in shape. In 
a word, there is nothing to be obtained by an In- 
dian war, but the soil they live on, and this can be 
had by purchase at less expense, and without that 
bloodshed and those distresses, which helpless wo- 
men and children are made partakers of in all 
kinds of disputes with them. 

If there is any thing in these thoughts, (which I 
have fully and freely communicated,) worthy of 
attention, I shall be happy, and am. Sir, your most 
obedient and most humble servant. 

P. S. A formal Address and Memorial from 



486 George Washington 

the Oneita Indians when I was on the Mohawk 
River, setting forth their Grievances and distresses 
and praying rehef, induced me to order a pound 
of Powder and 3 pounds of Lead to be issued to 
each man from the JNIiUtary Magazines in the care 
of Colo. Willett — This I presume was unknown to 
Genl. Schuyler at the time he recommended the like 
measure in his Letter to Congress. 



TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

Mount Vernon, 10 October, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 

Upon my return from the western country a few 
days ago, I had the pleasure to receive your favor 
of the 17th ultimo. It has always been my inten- 
tion to pay my respects to you, before the chance of 
another early and hard winter should make a warm 
fireside too comfortable to be relinquished. And I 
shall feel an additional pleasure in offering this 
tribute of friendship and respect to you, by having 
the company of the Marquis de Lafayette, when he 
shall have revisited this place from his eastern tour, 
now every day to be expected. 

I shall take the liberty now, my dear Sir, to sug- 
gest a matter, which would (if I am not too short- 
sighted a politician) mark your administration as 
an important era in the annals of this country, if itf 
should be recommended by you and adopted by the 
Assembly. 

It has long been my decided opinion, that the 
shortest, easiest, and least expensive communication 



Benjamin Harrison 487 

with the invaluable and extensive country back of 
us would be by one or both of the rivers of this State, 
which have their sources in the Apalachian moun- 
tains. Nor am I singular in this opinion. Evans, 
in his Map and Analysis of the Middle Colonies, 
which, considering the early period at which they 
were given to the public, are done with amazing ex- 
actness, and Hutchins since, in his Topographical 
Description of the western country, (a good part 
of which is from actual surveys,) are decidedly of 
the same sentiments; as indeed are all others, who 
have had opportunities, and have been at the pains, 
to investigate and consider the subject. 

But that this may not now stand as mere matter 
of opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts { such 
at least as the best maps now extant, compared with 
the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the 
course of the war have enabled me to obtain), I 
shall give you the different routs and distances from 
Detroit, by which all the trade of the northwestern 
parts of the united territory must pass; unless the 
Spaniards, contrary to their present policy, should 
engage part of it, or the British should attempt to 
force nature, by carrying the trade of the Upper 
I^akes by the River Utawas into Canada, which I 
scarcely think they will or could effect. Taking 
Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as un- 
favorable a point of view as we can be well placed, 
ibecause it is upon the line of the British territory,) 
las a point by which, as I have already observed, all 
/that part of the trade must come, it appears from 
/ the statement enclosed, that the tide waters of this 



488 George Washington 

State are nearer to it by one hundred and sixty- 
eight miles, than that of the River St. Lawrence; 
or than that of the Hudson at Albany, by one 
hundred and seventy-six miles. 

Maryland stands upon similar ground with Vir- 
ginia. Pennsylvania, although the Susquehanna 
is an unfriendly water, much impeded, it is said, 
with rocks and rapids, and nowhere communi- 
cating with those, which lead to her capital, has it 
in contemplation to open a communication between 
Toby's Creek, which empties into the Allegany 
River ninety-five miles above Fort Pitt, and the 
west branch of Susquehanna, and to cut a canal 
between the waters of the latter and the Schuylkill; 
the expense of which is easier to be conceived, than 
estimated or described by me. A people, however, 
who are possessed of the spirit of commerce, who 
see and who will pursue their advantages, may 
achieve almost any thing. In the mean time, un- 
der the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are 
smoothing the roads and paving the ways for the 
trade of that western world. That New York will 
do the same so soon as the British garrisons are re- 
moved, which are at present insurmountable ob- 
stacles in their way, no person, who knows the 
temper, genius, and policy of those people as well 
as I do, can harbor the smallest doubt. 

Thus much with respect to rival States. Let me 
now take a short view of our own ; and, being aware 
of the objections which are in the way, I will, in 
order to contrast them, enumerate them with the 
advantages. 



Benjamin Harrison 489 

The first and principal one is, the unfortunate 
jealousy J which ever has, and it is to be feared ever 
will prevail, lest one part of the State should ob- 
tain an advantage over the other parts, (as if the 
benefits of the trade were not diffusive and bene- 
ficial to all). Then follows a train of difficulties, 
namely, that our people are already heavily taxed; 
that we have no money ; that the advantages of this 
trade are remote; that the most direct route for it 
is through other States, over whom we have no con- 
trol ; that the routes over which we have control are 
as distant as either of those which lead to Philadel- 
phia, Albany, or Montreal; that a sufficient spirit 
of commerce does not pervade the citizens of this 
commonwealth; and that we are in fact doing for 
others, what they ought to do for themselves. 

Without going into the investigation of a ques- 
tion, which has employed the pens of able politi- 
cians, namely, whether trade with foreigners is an 
advantage or disadvantage to a country, this State, 
as a part of the confederated States, all of whom 
have the spirit of it very strongly working within 
them, must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising 
therefrom without receiving its benefits. Common 
policy, therefore, points clearly and strongly to 
the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages, 
which nature and our local situation afford us ; and 
evinces clearly, that, unless this spirit could be to- 
tally eradicated in other States as well as in this, 
and every man be made to become either a cultiva- 
tor of the land or a manufacturer of such articles 
as are prompted by necessity, such stimulus should 



490 George Washington 

be employed as will force this spirit, by showing to 
our countrymen the superior advantages we pos- 
sess beyond others, and the importance of being 
upon a footing with our neighbors. 

If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a 
consequence, that we should do our part towards 
opening the communication with the fur and peltry 
trade of the Lakes, and for the produce of the 
country which lies within, and which will, so soon 
as matters are settled with the Indians, and the 
terms on which Congress mean to dispose of the 
land, found to be favorable, are announced, be set- 
tled faster than any other ever did, or any one 
would imagine. This, then, when considered in an 
interested point of view, is alone sufficient to excite 
our endeavors. But in my opinion there is a po- 
litical consideration for so doing, which is of still 
greater importance. 

I need not remark to you, Sir, that the flanks 
and rear of the United States are possessed by other 
powers, and formidable ones too; nor how neces- 
sary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind 
all parts of the Union together by indissoluble 
bonds, especially that part of it, which lies immedi- 
ately west of us, with the middle States. For what 
ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? 
How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, 
and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the 
Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on 
their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in 
their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for 
their trade and alliance? ^Vhat, when they get 



Benjamin Harrison 491 

strength, which will be sooner than most people 
conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who 
will have no particular predilection towards us, as 
well as from the removal of our own citizens), will 
be the consequence of their having formed close 
connexions with both or either of those powers, in 
a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, 
the gift of prophecy to foretell. 

The western settlers (I speak now from my own 
observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The 
touch of a feather w ould turn them any way. They 
have looked down the ]\Iississippi, until the Span- 
iards, very impoliticly I think for themselves, threw 
difficulties in their way; and they looked that way 
for no other reason, than because they could glide 
gently down the stream; without considering, per- 
haps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and 
the time necessarj^ to perform it in; and because 
they have no other means of coming to us but by 
long land transportations and unimproved roads. 
These causes have hitherto checked the industry of 
the present settlers ; for, except the demand for pro- 
visions, occasioned by the increase of population, 
and a little flour, which the necessities of the Span- 
iards compel them to buy, they have no incitements 
to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the 
way for them, and then see what an influx of arti- 
cles will be poured upon us; how amazingly our 
exports will be increased by them, and how amply 
we shall be compensated for any trouble and ex- 
pense we may encounter to effect it. 

A combination of circumstances makes the pres- 



492 George Washington 

ent conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than 
for any other State in the Union, to fix these mat- 
ters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the 
Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of 
some individuals, coinciding with the general policy 
of the court of Great Britain on the other, to retain 
as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, 
and Oswego, &c., (which, though done under the 
letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the 
spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be 
improved to the greatest advantage by this State, 
if she would open the avenues to the trade of that 
country, and embrace the present moment to estab- 
lish it. It only wants a beginning. The western 
inhabitants would do their part towards its execu- 
tion. Weak as they are, they would meet us at 
least half way, rather than be driven into the arms 
of or be made dependent upon foreigners; which 
would eventually either bring on a separation of 
them from us, or a war between the United States 
and one or the other of those powers, most prob- 
ably with the Spaniards. 

The preliminary steps to the attainment of this 
great object would be attended with very little ex- 
pense, and might at the same time that it served to 
attract the attention of the western country, and to 
convince the wavering inhabitants of our disposi- 
tion to connect ourselves with them, and to facilitate 
their commerce with us, be a mean of removing 
those jealousies, which otherwise might take place 
among ourselves. 

These, in my opinion, are to appoint commis- 



Benjamin Harrison 493 

sioners, who, from their situation, integrity, and 
abilities, can be under no suspicion of prejudice or 
predilection to one part more than to another. Let 
these commissioners make an actual survey of 
James River and Potomac from tide-water to their 
respective sources; note with great accuracy the 
kind of navigation and the obstructions in it, the 
difficulty and expense attending the removal of 
these obstructions, the distances from place to place 
through their whole extent, and the nearest and 
best portages between these waters and the streams 
capable of improvement, which run into the Ohio; 
traverse these in like manner to their junction with 
the Ohio, and with equal accuracy. The navigation 
of this river (i. e., the Ohio) being well known, 
they will have less to do in the examination of it; 
but, nevertheless, let the courses and distances be 
taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, and up that 
river (notwithstanding it is in the ceded lands) 
to the carrying-place to the Cayahoga; down the 
Cayahoga to Lake Erie; and thence to Detroit. 
I/ct them do the same with Big Beaver Creek, 
although part of it is in the State of Pennsylvania; 
and with the Scioto also. In a word, let the waters 
east and west of the Ohio, which invite our notice 
by their proximity, and by the ease with which land 
transportation may be had between them and the 
Lakes on one side, and the Rivers Potomac and 
James on the other, be explored, accurately deline- 
ated, and a correct and connected map of the whole 
be presented to the public. These things being 
done, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield 



494 George Washington 

to facts, jealousy to candor, and, finally, if reason 
and nature, thus aided, will not dictate what is 
right and proper to be done. 

In the mean while, if it should be thought that 
the lapse of time, which is necessary to effect this 
work, may be attended with injurious consequences, 
could not there be a sum of money granted towards 
opening the best, or, if it should be deemed more 
eligible, two of the nearest communications (one 
to the northward and another to the southward) 
with the settlements to the westward; and an act 
be passed, if there should not appear a manifest 
disposition in the Assembly to make it a public un- 
dertaking, to incorporate and encourage private 
adventurers, if any should associate and solicit the 
same, for the purpose of extending the navigation 
of the Potomac or James River ; and, in the former 
case, to request the concurrence of Maryland in the 
measure? It will appear from my statement of 
the different routes (and, as far as my means of 
information have extended, I have done it with the 
utmost candor) , that all the produce of the settle- 
ments about Fort Pitt can be brought to Alexan- 
dria by the Youghiogany in three hundred and four 
miles, whereof only thirty-one is land transporta- 
tion; and by the JNIonongahela and Cheat Rivers 
in three hundred and sixty miles, twenty of which 
only are land carriage. Whereas the common 
road from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia is three 
hundred and twenty miles, all land transportation; 
or four hundred and seventy-six miles, if the Ohio, 
Toby's Creek, Susquehanna, and Schuylkill are 



Benjamin Harrison 495 

made use of for this purpose. How much of this 
is by land, I know not ; but, from the nature of the 
country, it must be very considerable. How much 
the interest and feelings of people thus circum- 
stanced would be engaged to promote it, requires 
no illustration. 

For my own part, I think it highly probable, 
that, upon the strictest scrutiny, if the Falls of the 
Great Kanhawa can be made navigable, or a short 
portage be had there, it will be found of equal im- 
portance and convenience to improve the naviga- 
tion of both the James and Potomac. The latter, I 
am fully persuaded, affords the nearest communi- 
cation with the Lakes; but James River may be 
more convenient for all the settlers below the 
mouth of the Great Kanhawa, and for some dis- 
tance perhaps above and west of it; for I have no 
expectation, that any part of the trade above the 
Falls of the Ohio will go down that river and the 
Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever 
come up them, unless our want of foresight and 
good management is the occasion of it. Or, upon 
trial, if it should be found that these rivers, from 
the before-mentioned Falls, will admit the descent 
of sea-vessels, in which case, and the navigation of 
the former's becoming free, it is probable that both 
vessels and cargoes will be carried to foreign mar- 
kets and sold; but the returns for them will never 
in the natural course of things ascend the long and 
rapid current of that river, which with the Ohio 
to the Falls, in their meanderings, is little if any 
short of two thousand miles. Upon the whole, the 



496 George Washington 

object in my estimation is of vast commercial and 
political importance. In these lights I think pos- 
terity will consider it, and regret, (if our conduct 
should give them cause,) that the present favorable 
moment to secure so great a blessing for them was 
neglected. 

One thing more remains, which I had like to have 
forgot, and that is, the supposed difficulty of obtain- 
ing a passage through the State of Pennsylvania. 
How an application to its legislature would be 
rehshed, in the first instance, I will not undertake 
to decide; but of one thing I am almost certain, 
such an application would place that body in a 
very delicate situation. There is in the State of 
Pennsylvania at least one hundred thousand souls 
west of Laurel Hill, who are groaning under the 
inconveniences of a long land transportation. 
They are wishing, indeed they are looking, for the 
improvement and extension of inland navigation; 
and, if this cannot be made easy for them to Phila- 
delphia (at any rate it must be lengthy), they will 
seek a mart elsewhere; the consequence of which 
would be, that the State, though contrary to the 
interests of its sea-ports, must submit to the loss of 
so much of its trade, or hazard not only the loss 
of the trade but the loss of the settlement also ; for 
an opposition on the part of government to the ex- 
tension of water transportation, so consonant with 
the essential interests of a large body of people, or 
any extraordinary impositions upon the exports or 
imports to or from another State, would ultimately 
bring on a separation between its eastern and west- 



Benjamin Harrison 497 

ern settlements; towards which there is not want- 
ing a disposition at this moment in that part of it 
beyond the mountains. I consider Rumsey's 
discovery for working boats against stream, by 
mechanical powers (principally) , as not only a very 
fortunate invention for these States in general, but 
as one of those circumstances, which have combined 
to render the present epoch favorable above all 
others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail our- 
selves of them, a large portion of the trade of 
the western country in the bosom of this State 
irrevocably. 

Long as this letter is, I intended to have written 
a fuller and more digested one, upon this important 
subject; but have met with so many interruptions 
since my return home, as almost to have precluded 
my writing at all. What I now give is crude; but 
if you are in sentiment with me, I have said enough ; 
if there is not an accordance of opinion, I have said 
too much; and all I pray in the latter case is, that 
you will do me the justice to believe my motives are 
pure, however erroneous my judgment may be in 
this matter, and that I am, with the most perfect 
esteem and friendship. 

Dear Sir, yours, &c.^ 

1 This letter, which is one of the most important of "Wash- 
ington's writings, is remarkable for its prophetic insight into 
the future development of the West, and the necessity of open- 
ing trade routes over the mountains in order to give that section 
some reason for maintaining a political connection with the 
sea-board States. The specific canals which he contemplated 
never developed as he had hoped, but his idea of a comprehen- 
sive system of highways between the East and the West found 
a more perfect realization than he had ever dreamed of in the 



49^ George Washington 



TO DAVID HUMPHREYS 

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785. 

My dear Humphreys, 

* * * As the complexion of European poHtics 
seems now (by letters I have received from the 
Marquis de Lafayette, the Chevalier de Chastellux, 
the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and others,) to have 
a tendency to peace, I will say nothing of war, nor 
make any animadversions upon the contending 
powers; otherwise I might possibly have said, that 
the retreat from it seemed impossible after the ex- 
plicit declaration of the parties. My first wish is 
to see this plague to mankind banished from off the 
earth, and the sons and daughters of this world 
employed in more pleasing and innocent amuse- 
ments, than in preparing implements and exercis- 
ing them for the destruction of mankind. Rather 
than quarrel about territory, let the poor, the 
needy, and oppressed of the earth, and those who 
want land, resort to the fertile plains of our west- 
ern country, the second land of 'promise, and there 
dwell in peace, fulfilling the first and great 
commandment. * * * 

To reverberate European news would be idle, 
and we have little of domestic kind worthy of at- 
tention. We have held treaties with the Indians, 
but they were so unseasonably delayed, that these 
people, by our last accounts from the westward, 

construction of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal and the Balti- 
moi'e and Ohio Railway, both of which followed routes that 
Washington himself had indicated as the best avenues of com- 
munication between the two sections. 



David Humphreys 499 

are in a discontented mood, supposed by many to 
be instigated thereto by our late enemies (now, to 
be sure, fast friend), who, from any thing I can 
learn, under the indefinite expression of the treaty, 
hold and seem resolved to retain possession of our 
western posts. Congress have, also, after a long 
and tedious deliberation, passed an ordinance for 
laying off the western territory into States, and for 
disposing of the land; but in a manner and on 
terms, which few people in the southern States con- 
ceive can be accomplished. Both sides are sure, 
and the event is appealed to. Let time decide it. 
It is however to be regretted, that local politics and 
self-interested views obtrude themselves into every 
measure of public utility: — but to such characters 
be the consequences. 

My attention is more immediately engaged in a 
project, which I think big with great political, as 
well as commercial consequences to these States, 
especially the middle ones; it is by removing the 
obstructions and extending the inland navigation 
of our rivers, to bring the States on the Atlantic in 
close connexion with those forming to the west- 
ward, by a short and easy transportation. With- 
out this, I can easily conceive they will have 
different views, separate interests, and other con- 
nexions. I may be singular in my ideas, but they 
are these; that, to open a door to, and make easy 
the way for, those settlers to the westward (which 
ought to progress regularly and compactly) before 
we make any stir about the navigation of the 
Mississippi, and before our settlements are far 



500 George Washington 

advanced towards that river, would be our true line 
of policy. It can, I think, be demonstrated, that 
the produce of the western territory, (if the navi- 
gations which are now in hand succeed, and of 
which I have no doubt,) as low down the Ohio as 
the Great Kanhawa, I believe to the Falls, and 
between the parts above and the Lakes, may be 
brought either to the highest shipping port on this 
or James river, at a less expense, with more ease, 
(including the return,) and in a much shorter time, 
than it can be carried to New Orleans, if the 
Spaniards, instead of restricting, were to throw 
open their ports and invite our trade. But if the 
commerce of that country should embrace this 
channel, and connexions be formed, experience has 
taught us, and there is a very recent proof with 
great Britain, how next to impracticable it is to 
divert it ; and, if that should be the case, the Atlan- 
tic States, (especially as those to the westward 
will in a great degree fill with foreigners,) will be 
no more to the present Union, except to excite 
perhaps very justly our fears, than the country of 
California, which is still more to the westward, 
and belonging to another power. 

Mrs. Washington presents her compliments to 
you, and with every wish for your happiness, 

I am, my dear Humphreys, &c. 



TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785. 

My dear Marquis, 

* * * As the clouds which overspread your 



Marquis de Lafayette 501 

hemisphere are dispersing, and peace with all its 
concomitants is dawning upon your Land, I will 
banish the sound of War from my letter: — I wish 
to see the sons and daughters of the world in Peace 
and busily employed in the more agreeable amuse- 
ment of fulfilling the first and great command- 
ment — Increase and Multiply: as an encouragement 
to which we have opened the fertile plains of the 
Ohio to the poor, the needy and the opressed of the 
Earth; any one therefore who is heavy laden or 
who wants land to cultivate, may repair thither & 
abound, as in the Land of promise, with milk and 
honey : — the ways are preparing, and the roads will 
be made easy, thro' the channels of Potomac & 
James river. 

Speaking of these navigations, I have the pleas- 
ure to inform you that the subscriptions (especially 
for the first) at the surrender of the books, agree- 
ably to the act which I enclosed you in my last, 
exceeded my most sanguine expectation: — for the 
latter, that is James river, no comparison of them 
has yet been made. — 

Of the £50,000 Sterlg. required for the Potomac 
navigation, upwards of £40,000, was subjoined 
before the middle of INIay, and encreasing fast — a 
President & four Directors, consisting of your 
hble. servant, Govrs. Johnson and Lee of Mary- 
land, and Colos. Fitzgerald and Gilpin of this 
State, were chosen to conduct the undertaking. — 
The first dividend of the money was paid in on the 
15th of this month; and the work is to be begun the 
first of next, in those parts which require least skill, 



502 George Washington 

leaving the more difficult 'till an Engineer of abili- 
ties and practical knowledge can be obtained ; which 
reminds me of the question which I propounded to 
you in my last, on this subject, and on which I 
should be glad to learn your sentiments. This 
prospect, if it succeeds, and of which I have no 
doubt, will bring the Atlantic States and the West- 
ern Territory into close connexion, and be pro- 
ductive of very extensive commercial and political 
consequences; the last of which gave the spur to 
my exertions, as I could foresee many, and great 
mischiefs which would naturally result from a sep- 
aration — and that a separation would inevitably 
take place, if the obstructions between the two 
countries remained, and the navigation of the 
Mississippi should be made free, i * * * 



TO SAMUEL PURVIANCE, ESQ. 

Mount Vernon, 10 March, 1786. 

Sir, 

Your Letter of the 6th instant, is this moment 
put into my hands; was it in my power I would 

1 " However singular the opinion may be, I cannot divest my- 
self of it, that the navigation of the Mississippi, at this time, 
ought to be no object with us. On the contrary, until we have 
a little time allowed to open and make easy the ways between 
the Atlantic States and the western territory, the obstruction 
had better remain. There is nothing that binds one county or 
one State to another, but interest. Without this cement the 
western inhabitants, who more than probably will be composed 
in a great degree of foreigners, can have no predilection for 
us, and a commercial connexion is the only tie we can have 
upon them. It is clear to me, that the trade of the Lakes, and 
of the River Ohio, as low as the Great Kanhawa if not to the 



Samuel Purviance 503 

cheerfully answer your queries respecting the set- 
tlements on the Kanhawa; the nature of the water 
and quality of the soil. 

But of the first, I only know from information 
that Colo. Lewis is settled there, from his own 
mouth I learnt that it was his intention to do so, 
& to establish a Town in the fork of the two rivers, 
where he proposes to fix families in the vicinity on 
his own Lands, Of the second, I never could ob- 
tain any distinct account of the navigation. It has 
been variously represented; favorably by some, — 
extremely difficult by others, in its passage thro' 
the Gauley mountain, (which I presume is the 
Laurel hill) — but the uncertainty of this matter 
will now soon be at an end, as there are commis- 
sioners appointed by this State to explore the navi- 
gation of that river and the communication between 
it and James river, with a view to a portage. This, 
equally with the extension of the Potomac naviga- 
tion, was part of my original plan, and equally 
urged by me to our Assembly; for my object was 
to connect the Western and Eastern or Atlantic 
States together by strong commercial ties. 

Falls, may be brought to the Atlantic ports easier and cheaper, 
taking the whole voyage together, than it can be carried to 
New Orleans; but, once open the door to the latter before the 
obstructions are removed from the former, let commercial con- 
nexions, which lead to others, be formed, and the habit of that 
trade well established, and it will be found no easy matter to 
divert it; and vice versa. When the settlements are stronger 
and more extended to the westward, the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi will be an object of importance, and we shall then be 
able, (reserving our claims,) to speak a more efficacious lan- 
guage, than policy, I think, dictates at present." — Washington 
to Richard Henry Lee, 22 August, 1785, 



504 George Washington 

I am a friend, therefore on this principle to every 
channel that can be opened, and wish the people 
to have choice. — The Kanhawa, and James river, if 
the obstacles in the former are not great, are cer- 
tainly the shortest and best for the settlers thereon, 
for those on the Ohio below, above, perhaps as high 
as the little Kanhawa and for the Country immedi- 
ately west of it. 

The Monongahela and Yohoghaney with the 
Potomac are most convenient for all the settlers 
from the little Kanhawa, inclusively, to Fort Pitt 
and upwards, & west as far as the Lakes. Susque- 
hanna and the Alleghany above Fort Pitt some 
distance, will accommodate a third District of 
Country; and may for ought I know be equally 
convenient to the trade of the Lakes. All of them 
therefore have my best wishes; for as I have ob- 
served already, my object & my aim are political. 
If we cannot bind those people to us by interest, 
and it is no otherwise to be effected but by a com- 
mercial knot, we shall be no more to them after a 
while, than G. Britain or Spain, and they may be 
as closely linked with one or other of those powers, 
as we wish them to be with us, and in that event, 
they may be a severe thorn in our side. * * * 



TO HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS 

Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1786. 

My dear Sir, 

* * * The advantages, with which the inland 
navigation of the Rivers Potomac and James are 



Henry Lee 505 

pregnant, must strike every mind that reasons upon 
the subject; but there is, I perceive, a diversity of 
sentiment respecting the benefits and the conse- 
quences, which may flow from the free and immedi- 
ate use of the Mississippi. My opinion of this 
matter has been uniformly the same; and no light 
in which I have been able to consider the subject is 
likely to change it. It is, neither to relinquish nor 
to push our claim to this navigation, but in the mean 
while to open all the communications, which nature 
has afforded, between the Atlantic States and the 
western territory, and to encourage the use of them 
to the utmost. In my judgment it is a matter of 
very serious concern to the well-being of the former 
to make it the interest of the latter to trade with 
them; without which, the ties of consanguinity, 
which are weakening every day, will soon be no 
bond, and we shall be no more a few years hence to 
the inhabitants of that country, than the British 
and Spaniards are at this day; not so much, indeed, 
because commercial connexions, it is well known, 
lead to others, and united are difficult to be 
broken, and these must take place with the Spani- 
ards, if the navigation of the Mississippi is opened. 
Clear I am, that it would be for the interest of 
the western settlers, as low down the Ohio as the 
Big Kanhawa, and back to the Lakes, to bring their 
produce through one of the channels I have named ; 
but the way must be cleared, and made easy and 
obvious to them, or else the ease with which people 
glide down stream will give a different bias to their 
thinking and acting. Whenever the new States 



5O0 George Washington 

become so populous and so extended to the west- 
ward, as really to need it, there will be no power 
which can deprive them of the use of the Mississippi. 
Why then should we prematurely urge a matter, 
which is displeasing and may produce disagreeable 
consequences, if it is our interest to let it sleep ? It 
may require some management to quiet the restless 
and impetuous spirits of Kentucky, of whose con- 
duct I am more apprehensive in this business, than 
I am of all the opposition that will be given by the 
Spaniards/ Mrs. Washington & George and his 
wife join me in compliments and good wishes to 
your lady. With great esteem and regard, I am, 
dear Sir, &c. 

1 " With respect to the navigation of the Mississippi, you al- 
ready know my sentiments thereon. They have been uni- 
formly the same, and, as I have observed to you in a former 
letter, [18 June, 1786] are controverted by one consideration, 
only of weight, and that is, the operation which the conclusion 
of it may have on the minds of the western settlers, who will 
not consider the subject in a relative point of view, or on a com- 
prehensive scale, and may be influenced by the demagogues of 
the country to acts of extravagance and desperation, under a 
popular declamation, that their interests are sacrificed. * * * 
But in all matters of great national moment, the only true line 
of conduct, in my opinion, is dispassionately to compare the 
advantages and disadvantages of the measures proposed, and 
decide from the balance. The lesser evil, where there is a 
choice of them, should always yield to the greater." — Washing- 
ton to Henry Lee, 31 October, 1786. 

" Gradually recovering from the distresses in which the war 
left us, patiently advancing in our task of civil government, 
unentangled in the crooked policies of Europe, wanting scarcely 
any thing but the free navigation of the Mississippi (which we 
must have, and as certainly shall have as we remain a 
nation) , I have supposed, that, with the undeviating exercise 
of a just, steady, and prudent national policy, we shall be the 
gainers, whether the powers of the old world may be in peace 



Richard Henry Lee 507 

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE 

Philadelphia, 19 July, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

I have had the honor to receive your favor of the 
15th instant, and thank you for the ordinance which 
was enclosed in it. My sentiments, with respect to 
the navigation of the Mississippi, have been long 
fixed, and are not dissimilar to those, which are 
expressed in your letter. I have ever been of opin- 
ion, that the true policy of the Atlantic States, 
would be instead of contending prematurely for the 
free navigation of that river (which eventually, 
and perhaps as soon as it shall be our true interest 
to obtain it, must happen), to open and improve 
the natural communications with the western 
countrj'^, through which the produce of it might be 
transported with convenience and ease to our mark- 
ets. Till you get low down the Ohio, I conceive, 
that it would, (considering the length of the voyage 
to New Orleans, the difficulty of the current, and 
the time necessary to perform it in,) be the inter- 
est of the inhabitants to bring their produce to our 
ports ; and sure I am, there is no other tie by which 
they will long form a link in the chain of federal 
union. I believe, however, from the temper in 
which those people appear to be, and from the 
ambitious and turbulent spirit of some of their 
demagogues, that it has become a moot point to 
determine, (when every circumstance which attends 
this business is brought into view,) what is best to 

or war, but more especially in the latter case." — Washington 
to Lafayette, 11 August, 1790. 



5o8 George Washington 

be done. The State of Virginia having taken the 
matter up with so high a hand, is not among 
the least embarrassing or disagreeable parts of the 
difSculty. * * * 

I have the honor to be, &;c.^ 



TO RICHARD HENDERSON ^ 

Mount Vernon, 19 June, 1788. 

Sir, 

Your favor of the 5th instant was lodged at my 
house while I was absent on a visit to my mother. 
I am now taking the earliest opportunity of 
noticing its contents, and those of its enclosure. 
Willing as I am to give satisfaction, so far as I am 

1 Washington's feeling that the United States ought not to 
attempt to induce Spain to open the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi to western settlers until they had first established com- 
mercial connections with the sea-board States has been 
singularly misinterpreted by several historians. Draper says, 
" Even Washington, so late as 1784, did not think that the 
ownership of the Mississippi would be of benefit to the republic; 
but, on the contrary, was afraid that it might tend to separate 
the western country from the Atlantic States." — History of the 
American Civil War, i., 201. This statement is quoted ap- 
provingly by Von Hoist, in his Constitutional and Political His- 
tory of the United States, i., 17, and is frequently encountered 
elsewhere. Washington's language admits of no such con- 
struction. The navigation of the Mississippi, as he wrote La- 
fayette, is something that " we must have and as certainly shall 
have as we remain a nation," but to establish commercial con- 
nections between the western settlers and Spain before such 
connections had been formed with the States east of the 
Allegheny mountains was, in his opinion, to endanger the 
political ties which joined the two sections. 

2 A gentleman, who had forwarded certain queries to General 
Washington, which had been sent to him from Scotland by 
persons proposing to emigrate to America. — Sparks. 



Richard Henderson 509 

able, to every reasonable inquiry, (and this is cer- 
tainly not only so, but may be highly important and 
interesting,) I must however rather deal in general 
than particular observations; as I think you will 
be able, from the length of your residence in the 
country, and the extensiveness of your acquaint- 
ance with its affairs, to make the necessary applica- 
tions, and add the proper details. Nor would I 
choose that my interference in the business should 
be transmitted, lest, in a malicious world, it might 
be represented that I was officiously using the arts 
of seduction to depopulate other countries for the 
sake of peopling our own. 

In the first place it is a point conceded, that 
America, under an efficient government, will be 
the most favorable country of any in the world for 
persons of industry and frugality possessed of a 
moderate capital to inhabit. It is also believed, 
that it will not be less advantageous to the happi- 
ness of the lowest class of people, because of the 
equal distribution of property, the great plenty of 
unoccupied lands, and the facility of procuring the 
means of subsistence. The scheme of purchasing 
a good tract of freehold estate, and bringing out a 
number of able-bodied men, indented for a certain 
time, appears to be indisputably a rational one. 

All the interior arrangements of transferring the 
property and commencing the establishment, you 
are as well acquainted with as I can possibly be. 
It might be considered as a point of more difficulty 
to decide upon the place, which should be most 
proper for a settlement. Although I believe that 



51 o George Washington 

emigrants from other countries to this, who shall be 
well-disposed, and conduct themselves properly, 
would be treated with equal friendship and kind- 
ness in all parts of it ; yet, in the old settled States, 
land is so much occupied, and the value so much 
enhanced by the contiguous cultivation, that the 
price would, in general, be an objection. The land 
in [the] western country, or that on the Ohio, like 
all others, has its advantages and disadvantages. 
The neighborhood of the savages, and the difficulty 
of transportation, were the great objections. The 
danger of the first will soon cease by the strong es- 
tablishments now taking place; the inconveniences 
of the second will be, in a great degree, remedied by 
opening the internal navigation. No colony in 
America was ever settled under such favorable 
auspices, as that which has just commenced at the 
Muskingum. Information, property, and strength, 
will be its characteristics. I know many of the 
settlers personally, and that there never were men 
better calculated to promote the welfare of such a 
community. 

If I was a young man, just preparing to begin 
the world, or if advanced in life, and had a family 
to make a provision for, I know of no country 
where I should rather fix my habitation than in 
some part of that region, for which the writer of 
the queries seems to have a predilection. He might 
be informed that his namesake and distant relation, 
General St. Clair, is not only in high repute, but 
that he is governor of all the territory westward of 
the Ohio, and that there is a gentleman (to wit, Mr. 



Richard Henderson 511 

Joel Barlow) gone from New York by the last 
French packet, who will be in London in the course 
of this year, and who is authorized to dispose of a 
very large body of land in that country. The 
author of the queries may then be referred to the 
" Information for those who wish to remove to 
America/^ and published in Europe in the year 
1784, by the great philosopher Dr. Franklin. 
Short as it is, it contains almost every thing, that 
needs to be known on the subject of migrating to 
this country. You may find that excellent little 
treatise in "^ Carey's American Museum," for Sep- 
tember, 1787. It is worthy of being republished in 
Scotland, and every other part of Europe. 

As to the European publications respecting the 
United States, they are commonly very defective. 
The Abbe Raynal is quite erroneous. Guthrie, 
though somewhat better informed, is not abso- 
lutely correct. There is now an American 
Geography preparing for the press by a Mr. 
Morse of New Haven in Connecticut, which, 
from the pains the author has taken in travelling 
through the States, and acquiring information from 
the principal characters in each, will probably be 
much more exact and useful. Of books at present 
existing, Mr. Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia " will 
give the best idea of this part of the continent to a 
foreigner; and the "American Farmer's Letters" 
written by Mr. Crevecceur (commonly called Mr. 
St. John), the French consul in New York, who 
actually resided twenty years as a farmer in that 
State, will afford a great deal of profitable and amu- 



512 George Washington 

sive information, respecting the private Hfe of the 
Americans, as well as the progress of agriculture, 
manufactures, and arts, in their country. Per- 
haps the picture he gives, though founded on fact, 
is in some instances embellished with rather too 
flattering circumstances. I am, &c. 



6. Education 



TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT 

Philadelphia, 28 January, 1795. 

Gentlemen, 

A plan for the establishment of an university in 
the Federal City has frequently been the subject of 
conversation ; but, in what manner it is proposed to 
commence this important institution, on how ex- 
tensive a scale, the means by which it is to be 
effected, how it is to be supported, or what progress 
is made in it, are matters altogether unknown to me. 

It has always been a source of serious reflection 
and sincere regret with me, that the youth of the 
United States should be sent to foreign countries 
for the purpose of education. Although there are 
doubtless many, under these circumstances, who 
escape the danger of contracting principles un- 
favorable to republican government, yet we ought 
to deprecate the hazard attending ardent and sus- 
ceptible minds, from being too strongly and too 
early prepossessed in favor of other political sys- 
tems, before they are capable of appreciating their 
own. 



Thomas Jefferson 513 

For this reason I have greatly wished to see 
a plan adopted, by which the arts, sciences, and 
belles-lettres could be taught in their fullest extent, 
thereby embracing all the advantages of European 
tuition, with the means of acquiring the liberal 
knowledge, which is necessary to qualify our citi- 
zens for the exigencies of public as well as private 
life; and (which with me is a consideration of great 
magnitude) by assembling the youth from the dif- 
ferent parts of this rising republic, contributing 
from their intercourse and interchange of informa- 
tion to the removal of prejudices, which might per- 
haps sometimes arise from local circumstances. 

The Federal City, from its centrality and the ad- 
vantages, which in other respects it must have over 
any other place in the United States, ought to be 
preferred, as a proper site for such an university. 
And if a plan can be adopted upon a scale as ex- 
tensive as I have described, and the execution of it 
should commence under favorable auspices in a 
reasonable time, with a fair prospect of success, I 
will grant in perpetuity fifty shares in the naviga- 
tion of Potomac River towards the endowment of 
j^^ * * * 1 



TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 

Philadelphia, 15 March, 1795. . 

Dear Sir, 

I received your letter of the 23d ultimo; but not 
at so early a period as might have been expected 

1 These shares of the Potomac Company never became 
productive. 



514 George Washington 

from the date of it. My mind has always been 
more disposed to apply the shares in the inland 
navigation of Potomac and James Rivers, which 
were left to my disposal by the legislature of Vir- 
ginia, towards the endowment of an university in 
the United States, than to any other object it had 
contemplated. In pursuance of this idea, and un- 
derstanding that other means are in embryo for 
establishing so useful a seminary in the Federal 
City, I did, on the 28th of January last, announce 
to the commissioners thereof my intention of vest- 
ing in perpetuity the fifty shares I hold under that 
act in the navigation of Potomac, as an additional 
mean of carrying the plan into effect, provided it 
should be adopted upon a scale so liberal as to 
extend to and embrace a complete system of 
education. 

I had little hesitation in giving the Federal City 
a preference of all other places for the institution, 
for the following reasons. 1st, on account of its 
being the permanent seat of the government of this 
Union, and where the laws and policy of it must 
be better understood than in any local part thereof. 
2d, because of its centrality. 3d, because one half 
(or near it) of the District of Columbia is within 
the Commonwealth of Virginia, and the whole of 
the State not inconvenient thereto. 4th, because, 
as a part of the endowment, it would be useful, but 
alone would be inadequate to the end. 5th, because 
many advantages, I conceive, would result from 
the jurisdiction, which the general government will 
have over it, which no other spot would possess. 



Thomas Jefferson 515 

And, lastly, as this seminary is contemplated for 
the completion of education and study of the 
sciences, (not for boys in their rudiments,) it will 
afford the students an opportunity of attending 
the debates in Congress, and thereby becoming 
more liberally and better acquainted with the prin- 
ciples of law and government. 

My judgment and my wishes point equally 
strong to the application of the James River shares 
to the same object at the same place; but, consid- 
ering the source from whence they were derived, I 
have, in a letter I am writing to the executive of 
Virginia on this subject, left the application of 
them to a seminary within the State, to be located 
by the legislature. 

Hence you will perceive, that I have in a degree 
anticipated your proposition.^ I was restrained 
from going the whole length of the suggestion by 
the following considerations. 1st, I did not know 
to what extent or when any plan would be so 
matured for the establishment of an university, as 
would enable any assurances to be given to the 
application of M. DTvernois. 2d, the propriety 
of transplanting the professors in a body might be 
questioned for several reasons; among others, be- 
cause they might not be all good characters, nor all 
sufficiently acquainted with our language. And 
again, having been at variance with the levelling 
party of their own country, the measure might be 
considered as an aristocratical movement by more 

1 Jefferson had written concerning several Geneva professors 
who thought of coming to America. 



5i6 George Washington 

than those, who, without any just cause that I can 
discover, are continually sounding the bell of aris- 
tocracy. And, 3d, because it might preclude some 
of the first professors in other countries from a 
participation, among whom some of the most cele- 
brated characters in Scotland, in this line, might be 
obtained. 

Something, but of what nature I am unable to 
inform you, has been written by Mr. Adams to M. 
D'lvernois. Never having viewed my intended 
donation as more than a part of the means, that 
were to set this establishment afloat, I did not in- 
cline to go too far in the encouragement of profes- 
sors, before the plan should assume a more formal 
shape, much less to induce an entire college to 
migrate. The enclosed is the answer I have re- 
ceived from the commissioners; from which, and 
the ideas I have here expressed, you will be enabled 
to decide on the best communication to be made to 
M. D'lvernois. 

My letter to the commissioners has bound me to 
the fulfilment of what is therein engaged; and if 
the legislature of Virginia, in considering the sub- 
ject, should view it in the same light I do, the 
James River shares will be added thereto; for I 
think one good institution of this sort is to be pre- 
ferred to two imperfect ones, which, without other 
aid than the shares in both navigations, is more 
likely to fall through, than to succeed upon the plan 
I contemplate; which, in a few words, is to super- 
sede the necessity of sending the youth of this 
country abroad for the purpose of education. 



Robert Brooke 517 

(where too often principles and habits unfriendly 
to republican government are imbibed, and not 
easily discarded,) by instituting such an one of 
our own, as will answer the end, and associating 
them in the same seminary, will contribute to wear 
off those prejudices and unreasonable jealousies, 
which prevent or weaken friendships and impair 
the harmony of the Union. With very great es- 
teem, I am, &c. 

P. S. Mr. Adams laid before me the communi- 
cations of M. D'lvernois; but I said nothing to him 
of my intended donation towards the establishment 
of an university in the Federal District. My 
wishes would be to fix this on the Virginia side of 
the Potomac River; but this would not embrace or 
accord with those other means, which are proposed 
for the establishment. 



TO ROBERT BROOKE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA 

Philadelphia, 16 March, 1795. 

Sir, 

Ever since the General Assembly of Virginia 
were pleased to submit to my disposal fifty shares 
in the Potomac, and one hundred in the James 
River Company, it has been my anxious desire to 
appropriate them to an object most worthy of pub- 
lic regard. 

It is with indescribable regret, that I have seen 
the youth of the United States migrating to foreign 
countries, in order to acquire the higher branches 
of erudition, and to obtain a knowledge of the 



51 8 George Washington 

sciences. Although it would be injustice to many 
to pronounce the certainty of their imbibing max- 
ims not congenial with republicanism, it must 
nevertheless be admitted, that a serious danger is 
encountered by sending abroad among other po- 
litical systems those, who have not well learned the 
value of their own. 

The time is therefore come, when a plan of uni- 
versal education ought to be adopted in the United 
States. Not only do the exigencies of public and 
private life demand it, but, if it should ever be ap- 
prehended, that prejudice would be entertained in 
one part of the Union against another, an efficacious 
remedy will be, to assemble the youth of every part 
under such circumstances as will, by the freedom of 
intercourse and collision of sentiment, give to their 
minds the direction of truth, philanthropy, and 
mutual conciliation. 

It has been represented, that a university corre- 
sponding with these ideas is contemplated to be 
built in the Federal City, and that it will receive 
considerable endowments. This position is so eli- 
gible from its centrality, so convenient to Virginia, 
by whose legislature the shares were granted and 
in which part of the Federal District stands, and 
combines so many other conveniences, that I have 
determined to vest the Potomac shares in that 
university. 

Presuming it to be more agreeable to the Gen- 
eral Assembly of Virginia, that the shares in the 
James River Company should be reserved for a 
similar object in some .part of that State, I intend 



Robert Brooke 519 

to allot them for a seminary to be erected at such 
place as they shall deem most proper. I am dis- 
posed to believe, that a seminary of learning upon 
an enlarged plan, but yet not coming up to the 
full idea of an university, is an institution to be 
preferred for the position which is to be chosen. 
The students who wish to pursue the whole range 
of science, may pass with advantage from the semi- 
nary to the university, and the former by a due 
relation may be rendered co-operative with the 
latter. 

I cannot however dissemble my opinion, that if 
all the shares were conferred on an university, it 
would become far more important, than when they 
are divided; and I have been constrained from 
concentring them in the same place, merely by my 
anxiety to reconcile a particular attention to Vir- 
ginia with a great good, in which she will abun- 
dantly share in common with the rest of the United 
States. 

I must beg the favor of your Excellency to lay 
this letter before that honorable body, at their next 
session, in order that I may appropriate the James 
River shares to the place which they may prefer. 
They will at the same time again accept my ac- 
knowledgments for the opportunity, with which 
they have favored me, of attempting to supply so 
important a desideratum in the United States as 
an university adequate to our necessity, and a 
preparatory seminary. With great consideration 
and respect, I am. Sir, &c.^ 

1 This letter wa:; communicated to the General Assembly, 



52 o George Washington 

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

[private] 

Philadelphia, 1 September, 1796. 

My Dear Sir, 

About the middle of last week I wi'ote to you; 
and that it might escape the eye of the inquisitive 
(for some of my letters have lately been pried 
into) , I took the liberty of putting it under a cover 
to Mr. Jay. 

Since then, revolving on the paper that was in- 
closed therein,^ on the various matters it contained, 
and of the first expression of the advice or recom- 
mendation which was given in it, I have regretted 
that another subject (which in my estimation is of 
interesting concern to the well-being of this coun- 
try) was not touched upon also; — I mean education 
generally, as one of the surest means of enlight- 
ening and giving just ways of thinking to our 
citizens, but particularly the establishment of a 
university; where the youth from all parts of the 
United States might receive the polish of erudition 
in the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres; and where 
those who were disposed to run a political course 
might not only be instructed in the theory and 
principles, but (this seminary being at the seat of 
the general government) where the legislature 
would be in session half the year, and the interests 

which adopted resolutions approving of Washington's design. 
The shares in the James River Company were given to the 
Liberty Hall Academy, which was afterward called Washington 
College, and is now Washington and Lee University. 

iThis refers to one of the drafts of the Farewell Address. 



Alexander Hamilton 521 

and politics of the nation of course would be dis- 
cussed, they would lay the surest foundation for 
the practical part also. 

But that which would render it of the highest 
importance, in my opinion, is, that the juvenal 
period of life, when friendships are formed, and 
habits established, that will stick by one; the youth 
or young men from different parts of the United 
States would be assembled together, and would by 
degrees discover that there was not that cause for 
those jealousies and prejudices which one part of 
the Union had imbibed against another part: — of 
course, sentiments of more liberality in the general 
policy of the country would result from it. What 
but the mixing of people from different parts of 
the United States during the war rubbed off these 
impressions? A century, in the ordinary inter- 
course, would not have accomplished what the 
seven years' association in arms did; but that ceas- 
ing, prejudices are beg:inning to revive again, and 
never will be eradicated so effectually by any other 
means as the intimate intercourse of characters in 
early life, — who, in all probability, will be at the 
head of the counsels of this country in a more ad- 
vanced stage of it. 

To show that this is no new idea of mine, I may 
appeal to my early communications to Congress; 
and to prove how seriously I have reflected on it 
since, and how well disposed I have been, and still 
am, to contribute my aid towards carrying the 
measure into effect, I inclose you the extract of a 
letter from me to the governor of Virginia on this 



52 2 George Washington 

subject, and a copy of the resolves of the legisla- 
ture of that State in consequence thereof. 

I have not the smallest doubt that this donation 
(when the navigation is in complete operation, 
which it certainly will be in less than two years), 
will amount to £1200 to £1500 sterling a year, and 
become a rapidly increasing fund. The proprie- 
tors of the federal city have talked of doing some- 
thing handsome towards it likewise ; and if Congress 
would appropriate some of the western lands to the 
same uses, funds sufficient, and of the most per- 
manent and increasing sort, might be so established 
as to invite the ablest professors in Europe to con- 
duct it. 

Let me pray you, therefore to introduce a sec- 
tion in the address expressive of these sentiments, 
and recommendatory of the measure, without any 
mention, however, of my proposed contribution to 
the plan. 

Such a section would come in very properly 
after the one which relates to our religious obliga- 
tions, or in a preceding part, as one of the recom- 
mendatory measures to counteract the evils arising 
from geographical discriminations. With affec- 
tionate regard, I am always.^ 

1 " Amongst the motives to such an institution [as a national 
university], the assimilation of the principles, opinions, and 
manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a 
portion of our youth from every quarter, well deserves atten- 
tion. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these 
particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent 
union; and a primary object of such an institution should be, 
the education of our youth in the science of government. In a 
republic, what species of knowledge can be equally important, 



Robert Morris 523 

7. Slavery 



TO ROBERT MORRIS 

Mount Vernon, 12 April, 1786. 

Dear Sir, 

I give you the trouble of this letter at the in- 
stance of Mr. Dalby of Alexandria, who is called 
to Philadelphia to attend what he conceives to be 
a vexatious lawsuit respecting a slave of his, which 
a society of Quakers in the city, (formed for such 
purposes,) have attempted to liberate. The merits 
of this case will no doubt appear upon trial. From 
Mr. Dalby 's state of the matter, it should seem, 
that this society is not only acting repugnant to 
justice, so far as its conduct concerns strangers, 
but in my opinion extremely impoliticly with respect 
to the State, the city in particular, and without 

and what duty more pressing on its legislature, than to patron- 
ize a plan for communicating it to those, who are to be the 
future guardians of the liberties of the country? " — Speech to 
both Houses of Congress, 7 December, 1796. 

" The reason which you assign for giving the rudiments of 
education to your sons at home is a weighty and conclusive one; 
— but much will depend upon the qualifications and fitness 
of the preceptor you employ, to render it more or less bene- 
ficial. To a certain point tuition under the eye of Parents or 
Guardian of youth, is much to be preferred, because the pre- 
sumption is: that the properties and passions will be watched 
with more solicitude and attention by them, than by their Tu- 
tors: — but when the direction of these are unfolded and can be 
counteracted by the discipline of Public schools and the precepts 
of the professors. Especially too when the judgment is be- 
ginning to form; when pride becomes a stimulus; and the 
knowledge of men, as well as of Books are to be learnt, I should 
give the preference to a public Seminary." — Washington to 
William Augustine Washington, 27 February, 1798. 



524 George Washington 

being able, (but by acts of tyranny and oppression,) 
to accomplish its own ends. He says the conduct 
of this society is not sanctioned by law. Had the 
case been otherwise, whatever my opinion of the 
law might have been, my respect for the policy of 
the State would on this occasion have appeared 
in my silence ; because against the penalties of pro- 
mulgated laws one may guard, but there is no 
avoiding the snares of individuals, or of private so- 
cieties. And if the practice of this society, of 
which Mr. Dalby speaks, is not discountenanced, 
none of those, whose misfortune it is to have slaves 
as attendants, will visit the city if they can possibly 
avoid it; because by so doing they hazard their 
property, or they must be at the expense (and this 
will not always succeed) of providing servants of 
another description for the trip. 

I hope it will not be conceived from these ob- 
servations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy 
people, who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. 
I can only say, that there is not a man living, who 
wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan 
adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only 
one proper and effectual mode by which it can be 
accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; 
and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never 
be wanting. But when slaves, who are happy 
and contented with their present masters, are tam- 
pered with and seduced to leave them; when masters 
are taken unawares by these practices; when a 
conduct of this sort begets discontent on one side 
and resentment on the other; and when it happens 



Robert Morris 525 

to fall on a man, whose purse will not measure with 
that of the society, and he loses his property for 
want of means to defend it ; it is oppression in such 
a case, and not humanity in any, because it intro- 
duces more evils than it can cure/ 

1 " The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so 
conspicuous upon all occasions, that I never wonder at any 
fresh proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the 
colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on 
it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to 
God a like spirit would diffuse itself generally into the minds 
of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. 
Some petitions were presented to the Assembly, at its last ses- 
sion, for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain 
a reading. To set them afloat at once would, I really believe, 
be productive of much inconvenience and mischief; but by de- 
grees it certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected; and 
that too by legislative authority." — Washington to the Marquis 
de Lafayette, 10 May, 1786. 

** I never mean (unless some particular circumstance should 
compel me to it) to possess another slave by purchase; it being 
among my first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which 
slavery in this country may be abolished by slow, sure, and 
imperceptible degrees." — Washington to John Francis Mercer, 
9 September, 1786. 

" I must say that I lament the decision of your legislature 
upon the question of importing slaves after March, 1793. I 
was in hopes, that motives of policy as well as other good rea- 
sons, supported by the direful effects of slavery, which at this 
moment are presented, would have operated to produce a total 
prohibition of the importation of slaves, whenever the question 
came to be agitated in any State, that might be interested in 
the measure." — Washington to Charles Pinckney, Governor of 
Soiith Carolina, 17 March, 1792. 

" Item — Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and de- 
sire, that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall 
receive their freedom — To emancipate them during her life, 
would tho earnestly wished by me, be attended with such in- 
superable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by 
marriages with the Dower negroes as to excite the most painful 
sensations — if not disagreeable consequences from the latter 
while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same pro- 



526 George Washington 

I will make no apology for writing to you on 
this subject, for, if Mr. Dalby has not misconceived 
the matter, an evil exists which requires a remedy; 
if he has, my intentions have been good, though I 

prietor, it not being in my power under the tenure by which 
the dower Negroes are held to manumit them — And whereas 
among those who will receive freedom according to this devise 
there may be some who from old age, or bodily infirmities & 
others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to 
support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come 
under the first and second description shall be comfortably 
clothed and fed by my heirs while they live and that such of 
the latter discription as have no parents living, or if living are 
unable, or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by 
the Court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty five 
years, and in cases where no record can be produced whereby 
their ages can be ascertained, the Judgment of the Court upon 
it's own view of the subject shall be adequate and final. — The 
negroes thus bound are (by their masters and mistresses) to be 
taught to read and write and to be brought up to some useful 
occupation, agreeably to the laws of the commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia, providing for the support of orphans and other poor 
children — and I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or trans- 
portation out of the said Commonwealth of any Slave I may 
die possessed of, under any pretence, whatsoever — and I do 
moreover most positively, and most solemnly enjoin it upon 
my Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them to see 
that this clause respecting slaves and every part thereof be 
religiously fulfilled at the Epoch at which it is directed to take 
place without evasion neglect or delay after the crops which 
may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it 
respects the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and per- 
manent fund be established for their support so long as there 
are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain provis- 
ions to be made by individuals. — And to my mulatto man, Wil- 
liam (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom 
or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which 
have befallen him and which have rendered him incapable of 
walking or of any active employment) to remain in the situa- 
tion he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so — In either 
case however I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during 
his natural life which shall be independent of the victuals and 



Robert Morris 527 

may have been too precipitate in this address. Mrs. 
Washington joins me in every good and kind wish 
for Mrs. Morris and your family, and I am, &c. 

cloaths he has been accustomed to receive; if he chuses the 
last alternative, but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the 
first, and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his 
attachment to me and for his faithful services during the Revo- 
lutionary War." — From The Will of George Washington, 9 
July, 1799. 



VI 
The Farewell Address 

In devising plans Washington was 
more decided than Ching Shing or Woo 
Kwang; in winning a country he was 
braver than Tsau Tsau or Ling Pi. 
Wielding his four-footed falchion, he ex- 
tended the frontiers and refused to ac- 
cept the Royal Dignity. The sentiments 
of the Three Dynasties have reappeared 
in him. Can any man of ancient or 
modern times fail to pronounce Wash- 
ington peerless? 

Inscription on the Stone placed 
BY China in the Washington 
Monument. 



529 



VI 
The Farewell Address 



TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES 

Friends, and Fellow-Citizens: 

The period for a new election of a Citizen, to ad- 
minister the Executive Government of the United 
States, being not far distant, and the time actually 
arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person, who is to be clothed with 
that important trust, it appears to me proper, 
especially as it may conduce to a more distinct 
expression of the public voice, that I should now 
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to 
decline being considered among the number of 
those, out of whom a choice is to be made.^ 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice 
to be assured, that this resolution has not been 

1 When Washington laid down the command of the army, 
he did so with the thought that he was retiring forever 
from public life. Throughout the Revolution, however, he was 
so impressed with the inadequacy of the government of the 
Confederacy, that his military task was no sooner accomplished 
than he set himself with all his energy to persuading the people 
to revise the Articles of Confederation and vest the government 
with sufficient powers to meet the national obligations and 

531 



532 George Washington 

taken, without a strict regard to all the considera- 
tions appertaining to the relation, which binds a 
dutiful citizen to his country — and that, in with- 
drawing the tender of service which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no 
diminution of zeal for your future interest, no 
deficiency of grateful respect for your past kind- 
ness; but am supported by a full conviction that 
the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, 
the office to which your suffrages have twice called 
me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to 
the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what 
appeared to be your desire. — I constantly hoped, 
that it would have been much earlier in my power, 
consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty 
to disregard, to return to that retirement, from 
which I had been reluctantly drawn. — The strength 
of my inchnation to do this, previous to the last 
election, had even led to the preparation of an ad- 
dress to declare it to you; but mature reflection on 
the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs 
with foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of 
persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to 
abandon the idea. — 

perserve the national dignity. The prominent part which he 
took in the formation and adoption of the Constitution, com- 
bined with his previous services, made him the natural choice 
of the people for the Presidency. When the matter was 
broached to him, however, he recurred immediately to the 
declaration that he had made upon the resignation of his mili- 
tary command, and asked if he might not be charged with in- 
sincerity if he again entered public life. He was convinced by 
the arguments of Hamilton, Madison, and others that circum- 



The Farewell Address 533 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external 
as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit 
of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of 
duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever 
partiality may be retained for my services, that in 
the present circumstances of our country, you will 
not disapprove my determination to retire. 



stances which could not have been foreseen had so radically 
changed the situation that there was no basis for such a charge. 
He reluctantly yielded to their importunities, and accepted the 
Presidency with the idea of retiring at the end of two years. 
But when that time arrived, much remained to be done. At 
the end of the third year, he had but one more year to serve, 
and it seemed unwise to disturb the normal course of things. 
But as his term drew to a close he made up his mind to decline 
a re-election. 

A conversation held with Jefferson on February 29, 1792, 
seems to be the first definite expression of his determination, but 
soon after it was communicated to Hamilton, Knox, Madison, 
and Randolph. On May 5, 1792, he asked Madison to advise 
him as to the best time and manner for making public his 
intention, and this request was repeated in a letter of May 20, 
1792 (Writings, xii., 123), in which he said: "Under these im- 
pressions then, permit me to reiterate the request I made to 
you at our last meeting — namely, to think of the proper time, 
and the best mode of announcing the intention; and that you 
would prepare the latter. — * * * j would fain carry my re- 
quest to you farther than is asked above, although I am sensible 
that your compliance with it must add to your trouble; but as 
the recess [of Congress] may afford you leizure, and I flatter 
myself you have dispositions to oblige me, I will, without 
apology, desire (if the measure in itself should strike you as 
proper, and likely to produce public good, or private honor) that 
you would turn your thoughts to a valedictory address from me 
to the public, expressing in plain and modest terms, that hav- 
ing been honored with the Presidential chair, and to the best 
of my abilities contributed to the organization and administra- 
tion of the government — that having arrived at a period of life 
when the private walks of it, in the shade of retirement, be- 
comes necessary and will be most pleasing to me; — and the 



534 George Washington 

The impressions, with which I first undertook 
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper oc- 
casion. — In the discharge of this trust, I will only 
say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed 
towards the organization and administration of the 
government, the best exertions of which a very falli- 
ble judgment was capable. — Not unconscious, in 



spirit of the government may render a rotation in the elective 
officers of it more congenial with their ideas of liberty and 
safety, that I take my leave of them as a public man; and in 
bidding them adieu (retaining no other concern than such as 
will arise from fervent wishes for the prosperity of my Coun- 
try) I take the liberty at my departure from civil, as I formerly 
did at my military exit to invoke a continuation of the blessings 
of Providence upon it, and upon all those who are the support- 
ers of its interests, and the promoters of harmony, order and 
good government. That to impress these things it might, 
among other things be observed, that we are all the children of 
the same country — a country great and rich in itself — capable 
and promising to be, as prosperous and as happy as any the 
annals of history have ever brought to our view — That our in- 
terest, however diversified in local and smaller matters, is the 
same in all the great and essential concerns of the Nation. — 
That the extent of our Country — the diversity of our climate 
and soil — and the various productions of the States consequent 
of both, are such as to make one part not only convenient, but 
perhaps indispensably necessary to the other part; — and may 
render the whole (at no distant period) one of the most in- 
dependent in the world. — That the established government be- 
ing the work of our own hands, with the seeds of amendment 
engrafted in the Constitution, may by wisdom, good dispositions, 
and mutual allowances; aided by experience, bring it as near 
to perfection as any human institution ever approximated; and 
therefore, the only strife among us ought to be, who should be 
foremost in facilitating and finally accomplishing such great 
and desirable objects; by giving every possible support, and 
cement to the Union. — That however necessary it may be to 
keep a watchful eye over public servants, and public measures, 
yet there ought to be limits to it; for suspicions unfounded, and 
jealousies too lively, are irritating to honest feeling; and often- 



The Farewell Address 535 

the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, 
experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in 
the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to 
diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing 
weight of years admonishes me more and more, 
that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me 
as it will be welcome. — Satisfied, that, if any cir- 



times are productive of more evil than good. To enumerate the 
various subjects which might be introduced into such an ad- 
dress would require thought; and to mention them to you would 
be unnecessary, as your own judgment will comprehend all that 
will be proper; whether to touch, specifically, any of the excep- 
tionable parts of the Constitution may be doubted. — All I shall 
add therefore at present, is, to beg the favor of you to con- 
sider — 1st, the propriety of such an address. — 2d, if approved, 
the several matters which ought to be contained in it — and 3d, 
the time it should appear: that is, whether at the declaration of 
my intention to withdraw from the service of the public — or let 
it be the closing act of my administration — which will end with 
the next session of Congress (the probability being that that 
body will continue sitting until March,) when the House of 
Representatives will also dissolve." 

In accordance with this request, Madison drafted a valedic- 
tory address which followed very closely the suggestions con- 
tained in Washington's letter. (For the text of Madison's 
draft, see The Writings of Washington, Ford's edition, xiii., 
194.) In the meantime, however, those to whom Washington 
made known his intention of retiring strongly protested against 
it. Madison urged that " his retiring at the present juncture 
might have effects that ought not to be hazarded." Jefferson 
wrote, " The confidence of the whole Union is centred in you. 
Your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every 
argument, which can be used to alarm and lead the people in 
any quarter into violence or secession. North and South will 
hang together, if they have you to hang on." Hamilton assured 
him " that your declining would be to be deplored as the great- 
est evil that could befall the country at the present juncture, 
and as critically hazardous to your own reputation; that your 
continuance will be justified in the mind of every friend to 
his country by the evident necessity for it." Influenced by 



536 George Washington 

cumstances have given pecuHar value to my ser- 
vices, they were temporary, I have the consolation 
to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me 
to quit the political scene, patriotism does not for- 
bid it. 

In looking forward to the moment, which is in- 
tended to terminate the career of my public life, my 



these protests and impelled also perhaps by a natural desire 
to carry more nearly to completion the work that he had be- 
gun, Washington yielded, and accepted a re-election, in the 
hope however that after a year or two he might retire. 

At the end of his second term Washington was again urged 
to continue in office, but he now refused with such decision 
as to make it clear that he could not be moved. As the time 
for his retirement approached, he recurred to his project of 
issuing a valedictory address. Madison, whose assistance had 
been sought in the preparation of such a document in 1792, had 
gone over to the opposition party, and the President now turned 
to Hamilton. He desired if possible that the new address 
might contain a considerable quotation from the former one. 
" My reasons for it are," he wrote, " that as it is not only a 
fact that such an address was written, and on the point of being 
published, but known also to one or two of those characters 
[Jefferson and Madison], who are now strongest and foremost 
in the opposition to the government, and consequently to the 
person administering of it contrary to their views, the pro- 
mulgation thereof, as an evidence that it was much against my 
inclination that I continued in office, will cause it more readily 
to be believed, that I could have no view in extending the pow- 
ers of the Executive beyond the limits prescribed by the Con- 
stitution; and will serve to lessen, in the public estimation, the 
pretensions of that party to the patriotic zeal and watchful- 
ness, on which they endeavor to build their own consequence, at 
the expense of others who have differed from them in senti- 
ment. And besides, it may contribute to blunt, if it does not 
turn aside, some of the shafts which, it may be presumed, will 
be aimed at my annunciation of this event; among which, con- 
viction of fallen popularity, and despair of being re-elected, 
will be levelled at me with dexterity and keenness." {Washing- 
ton to Hamilton, 15 May, 1796.) 



The Farewell Address 537 

feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which 
I owe to my beloved country, — for the many honors 
it has conferred upon me ; still more for the stedf ast 
confidence with which it has supported me ; and for 
the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of mani- 
festing my inviolable attachment, by services f aith- 



The idea of embodying the old address in the new one did not 
appeal to Hamilton. " There seems to me to be a certain awk- 
wardness in the thing," he wrote, " and it seems to imply 
that there is a doubt whether the assurance without the evi- 
dence would be believed." Accordingly, with Washington's 
draft before him, he proceeded to re-cast the paper, and the 
revised copy was sent to Washington, July 30, 1796. On Au- 
gust 10 Hamilton submitted another draft of which Washington 
wrote that he preferred " it greatly to the other draughts, be- 
ing more copious on material points, more dignified on the 
whole, and with less egotism." (For this draft, see The Writ- 
ings of Washington, Ford's edition, xiii., 277. For Hamilton's 
final revision, see his Works, Lodge's edition, vii., 143.) Cer- 
tain changes and additions were suggested by Washington, and 
after a final revision by the President it was published to the 
world as his Farewell Address to the People of the United 
States. From this account it is evident that the thought of 
publishing such an address originated with Washington, and 
that most of the ideas finally embodied in it were suggested by 
him, but that the language in which they are couched is chiefly 
Hamilton's. 

The Farewell Address was first published in Claypoole's 
American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), for September 19, 
1796, and it is this newspaper version which was printed by 
Sparks in his edition of The Writings of Washington, and which 
has usually served as the basis of other reprints of the docu- 
ment. It was reproduced from Washington's own manuscript 
by James Lenox in 1850. This imprint, which shows Wash- 
ington's revisions and corrections, was followed by Ford in his 
edition of The Writings of Washington. The present reprint 
follows Ford except that the parts stricken out by Washington 
are here omitted. The original manuscript of the Address is 
preserved in the Lenox Library, New York. 



538 George Washington 

ful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal 
to my zeal. — If benefits have resulted to our coun- 
try from these services, let it always be remembered 
to your praise, and as an instructive example in our 
annals, that under circumstances in which the Pas- 
sions agitated in every direction were hable to 
mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, — 
vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, — in situ- 
ations in which not unfrequently want of success 
has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the con- 
stancy of your support was the essential prop of the 
efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they 
were effected. — Profoundly penetrated with this 
idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave, as a 
strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven 
may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benefi- 
cence — that your union and brotherly affection 
may be perpetual — that the free constitution, which 
is the work of your hands, may be sacredly main- 
tained — that its administration in every department 
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in 
fine, the happiness of the people of these States, 



On a copy of Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser con- 
taining the Farewell Address, Washington wrote the following 
instructions to the copyist who transcribed the Address into 
the letter-book: 

" The letter contained in this gazette, addressed * To the 
People of the United States/ is to be recorded, and in the order 
of its date. Let it have a blank page before and after it, so 
as to stand distinct. Let it be written with a letter larger and 
fuller than the common recording hand. And where words are 
printed with capital letters, it is to be done so in recording. 
And those other words, that are printed in italics, must be 
scored underneath and straight by a ruler." 



The Farewell Address 539 

under the auspices of liberty, may be made com- 
plete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent 
a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the 
glory of recommending it to the applause, the 
affection, and adoption of every nation, which is 
yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. — But a solicitude 
for your welfare, which cannot end but with my 
life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to 
that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the 
present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and 
to recommend to your frequent review, some sen- 
timents; which are the result of much reflection, of 
no inconsiderable observation, and which appear 
to me all-important to the permanency of your 
felicity as a People. — These will be offered to you 
with the more freedom, as you can only see in them 
the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who 
can possibly have no personal motive to bias his 
counsels. — Nor can I forget, as an encouragement 
to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on 
a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every 
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of 
mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach- 
ment. — 

The Unity of Government which constitutes 
you one people, is also now dear to you. — It 
is justly so; — for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice 
of your real independence; the support of your 
tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your 
safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, 



540 George Washington 

which you so highly prize. — But as it is easy to 
foresee, that from different causes, and from dif- 
ferent quarters, much pains will be taken, many 
artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the 
conviction of this truth; — as this is the point in 
your political fortress against which the batteries 
of internal and external enemies will be most con- 
stantly and actively (though often covertly and 
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that 
you should properly estimate the immense value 
of your national Union to your collective and in- 
dividual happiness; — that you should cherish a 
cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; 
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as 
of the Palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest 
even a suspicion that it can in any event be aban- 
doned, and indignantly frowning upon the first 
dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion 
of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the 
sacred ties which now link together the various 
parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy 
and interest. — Citizens by birth or choice of a com- 
mon country, that country has a right to concen- 
trate your affections. — The name of American, 
which belongs to you, in your national capacity, 
must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, 
more than any appellation derived from local dis- 
criminations. — With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same Religion, Manners, Habits, and 



The Farewell Address 541 

political Principles. — You have in a common cause 
fought and triumphed together. — The Indepen- 
dence and Liberty you possess are the work of 
joint councils, and joint efforts — of common 
dangers, sufferings and successes. — 

But these considerations, however powerfully 
they address themselves to your sensibility, are 
greatly outweighed by those which apply more im- 
mediately to your Interest. — Here every portion of 
our country finds the most commanding motives 
for carefully guarding and preserving the Union 
of the whole. 

The North in an unrestrained intercourse with 
the Souths protected by the equal Laws of a com- 
mon government, finds in the productions of the 
latter great additional resources of maritime and 
commercial enterprise — and precious materials of 
manufacturing industry. — The South in the same 
intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, 
sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. 
Turning partly into its own channels the seamen 
of the North, it finds its particular navigation en- 
vigorated; — and, while it contributes, in different 
ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of 
the national navigation, it looks forward to the 
protection of a maritime strength to which itself is 
unequally adapted. — The East, in a like inter- 
course with the West, already finds, and in the 
progressive improvement of interior communica- 
tions, by land and water, will more and more find, 
a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings 
from abroad, or manufactures at home. — The West 



542 George Washington 

derives from the East suppHes requisite to its 
growth and comfort, — and what is perhaps of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the 
secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its 
own productions to the weight, influence, and the 
future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of 
the Union, directed by an indissoluble community 
of interest, as one Nation. — Any other tenure by 
which the West can hold this essential advantage, 
whether derived from its own separate strength, 
or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with 
any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. 
While then every part of our Country thus feels 
an immediate and particular interest in Union, all 
the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united 
mass of means and efforts, greater strength, 
greater resource, proportionably greater security 
from external danger, a less frequent interruption 
of their Peace by foreign Nations; and, what is of 
inestimable value! they must derive from Union 
an exemption from those broils and wars between 
themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring 
countries, not tied together by the same govern- 
ment; which their own rivalships alone would be 
sufficient to produce; but which opposite foreign 
alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stim.u- 
late and embitter. — Hence likewise they will avoid 
the necessity of those overgrown Military estab- 
lishments, which under any form of government, 
are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be re- 
garded as particularly hostile to Republican Lib- 
erty; In this sense it is, that your Union ought to 



The Farewell Address 543 

be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and 
that the love of the one ought to endear to you the 
preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language 
to every reflecting and virtuous mind, — and exhibit 
the continuance of the Union as a primary object 
of Patriotic desire. — Is there a doubt, whether a 
common government can embrace so large a sphere ? 
— Let experience solve it. — To listen to mere specu- 
lation in such a case were criminal. — We are 
authorized to hope that a proper organization of 
the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- 
ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a 
happy issue to the experiment. 'T is well worth 
a fair and full experiment. With such powerful 
and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts 
of our country, while experience shall not have 
demonstrated its impracticability, there will always 
be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in 
any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. — 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb 
our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, 
that any ground should have been furnished for 
characterizing parties by Geographical discrimina- 
tions — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and 
Western; whence designing men may endeavor to 
excite a belief, that there is a real difference of 
local interests and views. One of the expedients 
of Party to acquire influence, within particular dis- 
tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of 
other districts. — You cannot shield yourselves too 
much against the jealousies and heart-burnings 



544 George Washington 

which spring from these misrepresentations ; — They 
tend to render ahen to each other those who ought 
to be bound together by fraternal affection. — The 
inhabitants of our Western country have lately had 
a useful lesson on this head. — They have seen, in 
the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unani- 
mous ratification by the Senate, of the Treaty with 
Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, 
throughout the United States, a decisive proof how 
unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them of a policy in the General Government and 
in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests 
in regard to the Mississippi. — They have been wit- 
nesses to the formation of two Treaties, that with 
G. Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to 
them every thing they could desire, in respect to 
our Foreign Relations, towards confirming their 
prosperity. — Will it not be their wisdom to rely for 
the preservation of these advantages on the Union 
by which they were procured? — Will they not 
henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there 
are, who would sever them from their Brethren, 
and connect them with Aliens? — 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, 
a Government for the whole is indispensable. — No 
alliances however strict between the parts can be an 
adequate substitute. — They must inevitably experi- 
ence the infractions and interruptions which all 
alliances in all times have experienced. — Sensible 
of this momentous truth, you have improved upon 
your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution 
of Government, better calculated than your former 



The Farewell Address 545 

for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious man- 
agement of your common concerns. — This govern- 
ment, the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced 
and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and 
mature deliberation, completely free in its prin- 
ciples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting 
security with energy, and containing within itself 
a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim 
to your confidence and your support. — Respect for 
its authority, compliance with its Laws, acquies- 
cence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
fundamental maxims of true Liberty. — The basis 
of our political systems is the right of the people 
to make and to alter their Constitutions of Gov- 
ernment. — But the Constitution which at any time 
exists, 'till changed by an explicit and authentic act 
of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon 
all. — The very idea of the power and the right of 
the people to establish Government, presupposes 
the duty of every individual to obey the established 
Government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all 
combinations and associations, under whatever 
plausible character, with the real design to direct, 
controul, counteract, or awe the regular delibera- 
tion and action of the constituted authorities, are 
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of 
fatal tendency. — They serve to organize faction, to 
give it an artificial and extraordinary force — to 
put, in the place of the delegated will of the Nation, 
the will of a party; — often a small but artful and 
enterprizing minority of the community; — and, ac- 

35 



54^ George Washington 

cording to the alternate triumphs of different 
parties, to make the public administration the mir- 
ror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects 
of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and 
wholesome plans digested by common councils, and 
modified by mutual interests. — However combina- 
tions or associations of the above description may 
now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, 
in the course of time and things, to become potent 
engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprin- 
cipled men will be enabled to subvert the Power of 
the People and to usurp for themselves the reins of 
Government; destroying afterwards the very en- 
gines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. — 
Towards the preservation of your Government 
and the permanency of your present happy state, it 
is requisite, not only that you steadily discounten- 
ance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged au- 
thority, but also that you resist with care the spirit 
of innovation upon its principles, however specious 
the pretexts. — One method of assault may be to 
effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations 
which will impair the energy of the system, and 
thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
thrown. — In all the changes to which you may be 
invited, remember that time and habit are at least 
as necessary to fix the true character of Govern- 
ments, as of other human institutions — that experi- 
ence is the surest standard, by which to test the real 
tendency of the existing Constitution of a Country 
— that facility in changes upon the credit of mere 
hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change. 



The Farewell Address 547 

from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; 
— and remember, especially, that for the efficient 
management of your common interests, in a country 
so extensive as ours, a Government of as much 
vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of 
Liberty is indispensable. — Liberty itself will find 
in such a Government, with powers properly dis- 
tributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. — It is 
indeed little else than a name, where the Govern- 
ment is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of 
faction, to confine each member of the Society 
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to 
maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment 
of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of 
Parties in the State, with particular reference to 
the founding of them on Geographical discrimina- 
tions. — Let me now take a more comprehensive 
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner 
against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, 
generally. 

This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from 
our nature, having its root in the strongest passions 
of the human mind.- — It exists under different 
shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, 
controuled, or repressed ; but, in those of the popu- 
lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is 
truly their worst enemy. — • 

The alternate domination of one faction over 
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural 
to party dissension, which in different ages and 
countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormi- 



548 George Washington 

ties, is itself a frightful despotism. — But this leads 
at length to a more formal and permanent despot- 
ism. — The disorders and miseries, which result, 
gradually incline the minds of men to seek security 
and repose in the absolute power of an Individual : 
and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing 
faction, more able or more fortunate than his com- 
petitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of 
his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this 
kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely 
out of sight) , the common and continual mischiefs 
of the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the 
interest and duty of a wise People to discourage 
and restrain it. — 

It serves always to distract the PubHc Councils, 
and enfeeble the Public administration. — It agitates 
the community with ill-founded jealousies and false 
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against 
another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. 
— It opens the doors to foreign influence and cor- 
ruption, which find a facilitated access to the 
Government itself through the channels of party 
passions. Thus the policy and the will of one 
country, are subjected to the policy and will of 
another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries 
are useful checks upon the Administration of the 
Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of 
Liberty. — This within certain limits is probably 
true — and in Governments of a Monarchical cast. 
Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with 



The Farewell Address 549 

favour, upon the spirit of party. — But in those of 
the popular character, in Governments purely 
elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. — From 
their natural tendency, it is certain there will al- 
ways be enough of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose, — and there being constant danger of ex- 
cess, the eifort ought to be, by force of public 
opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. — A fire not to 
be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to 
prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of 
warming, it should consume. — 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of think- 
ing in a free country should inspire caution in those 
entrusted with its administration, to confine them- 
selves within their respective constitutional spheres; 
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one de- 
partment to encroach upon another. — The spirit 
of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers 
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, 
whatever the form of government, a real despotism. 
— A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- 
ness to abuse it, which predominates in the human 
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this 
position. — The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
exercise of political power, by dividing and dis- 
tributing it into different depositories, and consti- 
tuting each the Guardian of the Public Weal 
against invasions by the others, has been evinced 
by experiments ancient and modern; some of them 
in our country and under our own eyes. — To pre- 
serve them must be as necessary as to institute 
them. If in the opinion of the People, the distribu- 



550 George Washington 

tion or modification of the Constitutional powers 
be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by 
an amendment in the way which the Constitution 
designates. — But let there be no change by usurpa- 
tion; for though this, in one instance, may be the 
instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by 
which free governments are destroyed. — The pre- 
cedent must always greatly overbalance in per- 
manent evil any partial or transient benefit which 
the use can at any time yield. — 

Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to 
political prosperity, Religion and morality are in- 
dispensable supports. — In vain would that man 
claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour 
to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, 
these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citi- 
zens. — The mere Politician, equally with the pious 
man, ought to respect and to cherish them. — A vol- 
ume could not trace all their connexions with 
private and public felicity. — Let it simply be asked 
where is the security for property, for reputation, 
for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert 
the oaths, which are the instruments of investiga- 
tion in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution 
indulge the supposition, that morality can be main- 
tained without religion. — Whatever may be con- 
ceded to the influence of refined education on minds 
of peculiar structure — reason and experience both 
forbid us to expect, that national morality can pre- 
vail in exclusion of religious principle. — 

'T is substantially true, that virtue or morality 
is a necessary spring of popular government. — The 



The Farewell Address 551 

rule indeed extends with more or less force to 
every species of Free Government. — Who that is 
a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference 
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the 
fabric? — 

Promote, then, as an object of primary import- 
ance, institutions for the general diffusion of 
knowledge. — In proportion as the structure of a 
government gives force to public opinion, it is es- 
sential that public opinion should be enlightened. — 

As a very important source of strength and se- 
curity, cherish public credit. — One method of 
preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible : — 
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, 
but remembering also that timely disbursements 
to prepare for danger frequently prevent much 
greater disbursements to repel it — avoiding likewise 
the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning 
occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in 
time of Peace to discharge the debts which unavoid- 
able wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously 
throwing upon posterity the burthen which we 
ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these 
maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is 
necessary that public opinion should cooperate. — 
To facilitate to them the performance of their 
duty, it is essential that you should practically bear 
in mind, that towards the payment of debts there 
must be Revenue — that to have Revenue there must 
be taxes — that no taxes can be devised which are 
not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant — that 
the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the 



552 George Washington 

selection of the proper objects (which is always a 
choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive 
for a candid construction of the conduct of the 
Government in making it, and for a spirit of ac- 
quiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue 
which the public exigencies may at any time 
dictate. — 

Observe good faith and justice towards all Na- 
tions. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. — 
Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and 
can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin 
it? — It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, 
at no distant period, a great nation, to give to 
mankind the magnanimous and too novel example 
of a People always guided by an exalted justice 
and benevolence. — Who can doubt that in the 
course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan 
would richly repay any temporary advantages, 
which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? 
Can it be, that Providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue ? The 
experiment, at least, is recommended by every 
sentiment which ennobles human nature. — Alas! is 
it rendered impossible by its vices? 

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more 
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipa- 
thies against particular nations and passionate at- 
tachments for others should be excluded; and that 
in place of them just and amicable feelings towards 
all should be cultivated. — The Nation, which in- 
dulges towards another an habitual hatred or an 
habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is 



The Farewell Address 553 

a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of 
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and 
its interest. — Antipathy in one nation against an- 
other disposes each more readily to offer insult and 
injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and 
to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or 
trifling occasions of dispute occur. — Hence fre- 
quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody 
contests. — The Nation prompted by ill-will and 
resentment sometimes impels to War the Govern- 
ment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. 
— The Government sometimes participates in the 
national propensity, and adopts through passion 
what reason would reject; — at other times, it makes 
the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects 
of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other 
sinister and pernicious motives. — The peace often, 
sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been 
the victim. — 

So likewise a passionate attachment of one Na- 
tion for another produces a variety of evils. — Sym- 
pathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the 
illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases 
where no real common interest exists, and infusing 
into one the enmities of the other, betrays the 
former into a participation in the quarrels and wars 
of the latter, without adequate inducement or jus- 
tification: It leads also to concessions to the 
favourite Nation of privileges denied to others, 
which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making 
the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with 
what ought to have been retained, and by exciting 



554 George Washington 

jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in 
the parties from whom equal privileges are with- 
held; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
luded citizens, (who devote themselves to the 
favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the 
interests of their own country, without odium, 
sometimes even with popularity: — gilding with 
the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, 
a commendable deference for public opinion, or a 
laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or 
infatuation. — 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming 
to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. — 
How many opportunities do they afford to tamper 
with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduc- 
tion, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe 
the public councils! Such an attachment of a 
small or weak, towards a great and powerful na- 
tion, dooms the former to be the satellite of the 
latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 
I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens, the 
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly 
awake, since history and experience prove that 
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of 
Republican Government. — But that jealousy to be 
useful must be impartial; else it becomes the in- 
strument of the very influence to be avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it. — Excessive partiality 
for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of an- 



The Farewell Address 555 

other, cause those whom they actuate to see danger 
only on one side, and serve to veil and even second 
the arts of influence on the other. — Real Patriots, 
who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are 
liable to become suspected and odious; while its 
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence 
of the people, to surrender their interests. — 
I The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to 
foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial 
relations, to have with them as little Political con- 
nection as possible. — So far as we have already 
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with per- 
fect good faith. — Here let us stop. — 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to 
us have none, or a very remote relation. — Hence she 
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the 
causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- 
cerns. — Hence therefore it must be unwise in us 
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordi- 
nary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships, or 
enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and 
enables us to pursue a different course. — If we re- 
main one People, under an efficient government, 
the period is not far off, when we may defy material 
injury from external annoyance; when we may take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may 
at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously re- 
spected. — When belligerent nations, under the im- 
possibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we 



556 George Washington 

may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by 
our justice shall counsel. — 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situ- 
ation? — Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
ground? — Why, by interweaving our destiny with 
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival- 
ship, interest, humour, or caprice? — ^ 

'T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent 
alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; — 
so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it — 
for let me not be understood as capable of patroniz- 
ing infidelity to existing engagements, (I hold the 
maxim no less applicable to public than to private 
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy). — I 
repeat it therefore let those engagements be ob- 
served in their genuine sense. — But in my opinion 
it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend 
them. — • 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable 
establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, 
we may safely trust to temporary alliances for ex- 
traordinary emergencies. — 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, 
are~reconimended by jgolicy, humanity, and inter- 
est,: — But even our commercial policy should hold 
an equal and impartial hand: — neither seeking nor 
granting exclusive favours or preferences; — con- 
sulting the natural course of things ; — diffusing and 
diversifying by gentle means the streams of com- 
merce, but forcing nothing; — establishing with 
Powers so disposed^in order to give trade a stable 



The Farewell Address 557 

course, to define the rights of our IMerchants, and 
to enable the Government to support them — con- 
ventional rules of intercourse, the best that present 
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit; but 
temporary, and hable to be from time to time 
abandoned or varied, as experience and circum- 
stances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, 
that 't is folly in one nation to look for disinterested 
favors from another, — that it must pay with a 
portion of its independence for whatever it may ac- 
cept under that character — that by such accept- 
ance, it may place itself in the condition of having 
given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of 
being reproached with ingratitude for not giving 
more. — There can be no greater error than to 
expect, or calculate upon real favours from Na- 
tion to Nation. — 'T is an illusion which ex- 
perience must cure, which a just pride ought to 
discard. 

In offering to you, my Countrymen, these coun- 
sels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not 
hope they will make the strong and lasting im- 
pression, I could wish, — that they will controul the 
usual current of the passions, or prevent our Nation 
from running the course which has hitherto marked 
the destiny of Nations. — But if I may even flatter 
myself, that they may be productive of some par- 
tial benefit; some occasional good; that they may 
now and then recur to moderate the fury of party 
spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
trigue, to guard against the impostures of pre- 
tended patriotism, this hope will be a full 



J 



558 George Washington 

recompense for the sohcitude for your welfare, by 
which they have been dictated. — 

How far in the discharge of my official duties, 
I have been guided by the principles which have 
been delineated, the public Records and other evi- 
dences of my conduct must witness to You, and to 
the World. — To myself, the assurance of my own 
conscience is, that I have at least believed myself 
to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, 
my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the 
index to my plan.^ — Sanctioned by your approving 
voice and by that of Your Representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has 
continually governed me : — uninfluenced by any at- 
tempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination with the aid of the 
best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that 
our country, under all the circumstances of the 
case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty 
and interest, to take a Neutral position. — Having 
taken it, I determined, as far as should depend 
upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, persever- 
ance, and firmness. — 

The considerations which respect the right to 
hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occa- 
sion to detail. I will only observe, that accord- 
ing to my understanding of the matter, that right, 
so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent 
Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. — 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be 

1 See page 408. 



The Farewell Address 559 

inferred, without any thing more, from the obliga- 
tion which justice and humanity impose on every 
Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main- 
tain inviolate the relations of Peace and Amity 
towards other Nations. — 

The inducements of interest for observing that 
conduct will best be referred to your own reflections 
and experience. — With me, a predominant motive 
has been to endeavour to gain time to our country 
to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and 
to progress without interruption to that degree of 
strength and consistency, which is necessary to give 
it, humanly speaking, the command of its own 
fortunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my Ad- 
ministration, I am unconscious of intentional error 
— I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not 
to think it probable that I may have committed 
many errors. — Whatever they may be I fervently 
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils 
to which they may tend. — I shall also carry with 
me the hope that my country will never cease to 
view them with indulgence; and that after forty- 
five years of my life dedicated to its service, with 
an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities 
will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon 
be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, 
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which 
is so natural to a man, who view^s in it the native 
soil of himself and his progenitors for several gener- 
ations ; — I anticipate with pleasing expectation that 



560 George Washington 

retreat, in v^hicli I promise myself to realize, with- 
out alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the 
midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
good Laws under a free Government, — the ever 
favourite object of my heart, and the happy re- 
ward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and 
dangers. 

G? Washington. 
United States^ 



19th September^ ^ 



INDEX 



Adams, Charles Francis, quoted, 
26 n. 

Adams, John, election of, to 
Vice-Presidency, 316 n. ; letters 
to, 428, 432; quoted, 253 «.; 
one of the negotiators of the 
treaty of peace, 176 n.; minis- 
ter to Great Britain, 369 n. 

Adet, conduct of, 416, 424, 
425 n. 

Agriculture, 319, 331 

Alaska, debate in House of 
Representatives on treaty for 
purchase of, 400 n. 

Alliances, foreign, to be avoided, 
556 

Addresses of George Washing- 
ton: accepting the command 
of the army, 33; to the officers 
at Newburg, 184; resigning 

t the command of the army, 
^237; inaugural, first, 320; 
second, 350 

Addresses, anonymous, of Great 
Britain to the American army, 
150; to Congress, 328 

America, ability to make recom- 
pense for assistance rendered, 
169; resources of, 169, 213 

Anderson, James, letter to, 434 

Andr6, Major John, capture of, 
159; execution of, 163 

Annapolis Convention, 259, 259 
w., 272 «. 

Anonymous Addresses to the 
army at Newburg, 183-191, 
195, 198-200; authorship of, 
185 n. 

Armed Neutrality of 1780, 161 n. 

Armstrong, Major-General, let- 
ter to, 170 n. 

Armstrong, Major John, author 
of the Newburg Addresses, 
185 n. 



Army, Continental, condition 
of, 38-42, 44, 46, 49, 52, 56, 
67-77, 123, 141, 143«.,144, 
147, 155, 195, 197; disband- 
ment of, 205, 210, 229; dis- 
satisfaction in, 144, 148, 149, 
166, 192, 199, 203; enlistments, 
38, 39, 41, 45, 49, 67-71, 78, 
119, 132, 155, 170 «.; equip- 
ment of, 46, 49, 90, 94, 161; 
government of, 41, 46, 66, 72, 
74, 75, 111, 162; payment of, 
149, 189, 197, 199, 201, 204- 
208, 221-224, 232; resigna- 
tions from, 101, 109, 134, 146; 
sickness in, 99; suffering of, 
96-103, 118, 141, 149, 155, 
161, 195, 201, 230; surgeons 
in, 74; volunteers for, 119 

Army, standing, 73, 117, 155, 
320, 542 

Army of the United States, 
training of, 329 — 

Arnold, Benedict, treason of, 
159, 163 

Articles of Confederation, pro- 
posed amendments of, 181 n., 
258 n. ; necessity for revising, 
156, 157«.,171w.,182, 212w., 
217, 233, 242, 244, 247, 249, 
254, 256, 258, 259 w., 260, 263, 
267, 275 

Articles of War, Continental, 38 

Bache, attacks of, on Washing- 
ton, 354, 354 «., 456 n. 
Ball, Burges, letters to, 446, 

453 
Baltimore and Ohio Railway, 

498 n. 
Banister, John, letter to, 108 -ir 
Bassett, Burwell, letter to, HO?;.'* 
Bland, Theodorick, letters to, 
200, 204 



561 



562 



Index 



Boston, closing of the port of, 
15; attack on, 47; capture of, 
-1-52-56 

Boston, Selectmen of, letter to, 

375; oppose the Jay treaty, 

372 «., 375; protest of, 375 n. 

Braddock, defeat of, 3, 6, 54; 

death, 5 
Brandywine, battle of, 88-89 
Brooke, Robert, letter to, 517 
Bryce, James, quoted, 363 
Bunker Hill, battle of, 50, 53 
Burgoyne, General John, 53; 
surrender of, 95, 96 n. 

Cabinet, letters to, 393, 405 

Cadwalader, Brigadier-General 
John, letter to, 160 

Camillus (Hamilton) defends 
the Jay treaty, 382, 382 n. 

Camden, Lord, speech of, 106 

Canada, La Fayette's plan for 
invasion of, 124-128; advan- 
tages to France, 125-128; 
danger to America, 125 

Canning, George, quoted, 414 m. 

Capel and Osgood Hanbury, 
letter to, 9 n. 

Carrington, Edward, letter to, 
402 

Cary, Robert, letter to, 14 w. 

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 
498 n. 

China, stone placed by, in Wash- 
ington Monument, 529 

Circular letter to the execu- 
tives of Pennsylvania, New 
Jersey, New York, Maryland, 
and Delaware, 143 n. 

Circular Letter to the Governors, 
182 n., 212 «., 212-228, 228 n. 

Clinton, George, 96 

Clinton, General Sir Henry, 
50 

Command of the army, address 
accepting, 33; election to, 33, 
36; resignation of, 235, 237; 
second appointment as com- 
mander-in-chief, 429 n., 432, 
442 

Commerce, treaty of, with Great 
Britain, 365, 367, 368 «., 372, 
372 «., 380, 383, 385; opposi- 
tion to, 372 m., 375, 380, 383, 
385, 392; protest of Boston 
against, 375 n. 



Commercial policy of America, 
556 

Commissioners of Great Britain, 
107, 129 

Commissioners of the Federal 
District, letter to, 512 

Commissary department of the 
army, 98, 103, 141, 143 n. 

Commission as commander-in- 
chief of the army, 34 

Common Sense, 59 n. 

Congress, First Continental, 23 
n., 26 n., 29 n. 

Congress, Second Continental, 
33 m.; factions in, 137; re- 
missness of, 116, 130, 134, 161 

Congress, speeches or messages 
to, 328, 411, 414, 463, 522 m. 

Connecticut, manufactures in, 
320; mutiny of troops of , 148 

Constitution, adoption of, 
281, 282, 284, 289, 294, 298, 
300, 544; alteration of , 282 m., 
324, 546, 550; effect of, 338; 
interpretation of, 341 

Cooley, Chief Justice, quoted, 
400 m. 

Cornwallis, letter to, 171; sur- 
render of, 171, 173 

Credit, pubhc 318, 332, 339, 551 

Crevecoeur, Letters from an 
American Farmer, quoted, 51 1 

Criticisms of Washington and 
his administration, 341, 347, 
353, 354, 357, 392 

Currency laws, 331 

Custis, Mrs. Martha, letter to, 6; 
marriage to George Washing- 
ton, 7 

Dandridge, Francis, letter to, 7 
Debates in Congress, piiblica- 

tion of, 336 
Debts, repudiation of those ow- 
ing to Great Britain, 16; pub- 
lic, 342 
Democratic societies, effects of, 
443, 448, 449 m., 451, 453, 
457, 460 
Desertions from the army, 75, 94 
Dinwiddie, Governor, letter to, 3 
Disaffection towards the Ameri- . 

can cause, 79 n. 
Dorset, Duke of, 253 n. 
Draper, History of the American 
Civil War, quoted, 508 n. 



A 



Index 



563 



Duane, James, letter to, 476 

Education, 512, 513, 520, 523 n., 

551 
Europe, relations of America 

with, 556 
Excise law, 339, 444 n., 463 

Fairfax, Bryan, letter from, 19 
«., 22n.; letters to, 15, 16, 
23, 104,441 

Fairfax County, Virginia, re- 
solves of, 17 n., 21 n. 

Fairfax, George William, letter 
to, 50 n. 

Farewell Address, 440, 441, 
520 n., 531; authorship of, 
532 «.; Hamilton's part in, 
536 «.; Madison's part in, 
533 n. ; publication of, 537 n. 

Farewell Orders to the Annies, 
229 

Federal Convention, 272, 276, 
277 n., 278, 280 

Ford, Worthington C, notes by, 
60, 76, 88, 346, 407 

Foreign influence in America, 
554 

Foreign policy of America, 555 

Foreign relations of United 
States, 330, 413, 414 

Forged letters of Washington, 
108 

Fort Duquesne, attempts to 
capture, 3, 7 

Foster, John W., quoted, 415 n. 

Fox, Charles James, 119 «., 176 
n., 179 

France.alliance with, 113, 119 w., 
122, 160, 167, 170, 405 «.; 
assistance of, 168, 390; char- 
acter of, 425, 429; relations 
with, 293, 381, 383, 387 «., 
390, 392, 405 n., 415, 420, 421, 
425, 430, 433, 434, 437, 438, 
441; war of,with Great Britain, 
369 n., 390, 404, 405 

Franklin, Benjamin, 3w., 8n., 
59 w., 176 n., 511 

Frederick the Great, quoted, 
269 «. 

French and Indian War, 3 

French settlers at Detroit, 483 

Gage, General, 20, 25 

Gates, General Horatio, 96 n. 



Genet, 452, 455, 457 

George III., 59 n.; on the loss of 
America, 175 n.; policy of, 
177, 179 

Germantown, battle of, 92-94 

Gerry, Elbridge, letter to, 92 n. 

Gordon, Dr. William, letter to, 
244 

Grasse, Count de, 174 

Grayson, William, letter to, 
261 n. 

Great Britain, ability of, to con- 
tinue the war, 121; addresses 
of, to the American army, 121 ; 
army of, 110; breaks the 
treaty of peace, 370; refusal 
of, to send minister to the 
United States, 368; relations 
of American colonies with, 
8, 9, 10 w., 11-14, 15, 16, 18, 
19«.,21,24, 28, 29, 50 m., 51, 
57-59, 10&-108; relations of, 
with the United States, 255 n., 
371, 381, 388, 389, 440, 483, 
490; restrains commerce of 
United States, 417; treaty of 
commerce with, 365, 367, 368 
n., 372, 372 »., 380, 383, 420, 
423, 544; war of, with France, 
369 k., 390, 404, 405 

Green, John Richard, quoted, 
239 

Greene, General Nathaniel, letter 
to, 243 n.; quoted, 42 n., 63 m., 
69 m. 

GrenviUe, Lord, 120 n., 387, 390, 
391, 420 

Hall, W. E., quoted, 414 n. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 211; in 
the Annapolis Convention, 
260 M., defends the Jay treaty, 
372 M., 382; stoned, 372 m., 
letters to, 90, 91 m., 241, 280, 
305, 306 M., 341, 372, 380, 400, 
444, 446 m., 459 m., 460 m., 
520, 536 m.; relations widi 
Jefferson, 348, 348 m.; opinion 
on relation of House of Repro- 
sentives to the treaty-making 
power requested, 400; opinion 
on the Jay treaty requested, 
374; opinion on rules of 
neutrality ,408 n. ; urges Wash- 
ington to accept the Presi- 
dency, 306 m., 310 m. 



564 



Index 



Harrison, Benjamin, letters to, 
129, 181, 197, 248, 486 
"Heath, Major-General, letters to, 
158, 427 w. 

Henderson, Richard, letter to, 
508 

Henry, Patrick, quoted, 29 n.; 
letters to, 281, 357, 418; urged 
to re-enter public life, 361; 
offered post of Secretary of 
State, 418; comment of Madi- 
son on, 420 n. 

Hessians, 60, 82 

von Hoist, Constitutional and 
Political History of the United 
States, quoted, 508 n. 

Howe, General William, 42«., 
49, 78, 85, 87 

Humphreys, David, letters to, 
266 n., 282 n., 337, 352, 498^:- 

Immigration, 480, 498, 501, 510, 

515 
Impost law, 181, 228 n.; action 

of Virginia on, 181 n., 228 n. 
Impressment of seamen by 

Great Britain, 388 
Inaugural Address, first, 320; 

replies of Senate and House 

to, 326 «., 328 w.; second, 350 
Independence, 28, 29, 50 «., 51, 

59, 60, 115, 122, 169, 170, 

177, 217, 218 
Indians, relations with, 330, 

340, 370, 387, 388, 389, 475, 

476, 477, 478, 481, 482, 485 
Innes, Colonel, report of, 387, 

422 
International attachments and 

antipathies, 553 
International relations of Amer- 
ica, 552 
Irvine, Brigadier-General, letter 

to, 144 n. 

James River, projects for im- 
proving its navigation, 493, 
501, 503 

Jay, John, letters to, 260, 261, 
275, 368, 460, 472 n.; opinion 
of, on French invasion of 
Canada, 128 w.; negotiates 
peace with Great Britain, 
177 «.; appointed to negotiate 
a treaty of commerce with 
Great Britain, 369 n. 



Jay Treaty, — see Commerce, 
treaty of, with Great Britain. 

Jealousies among the States, 
216, 360 

Jefferson, Thomas, letters to, 
278 «., 300, 348, 354, 404, 513; 
Notes on Virginia, 511; rela- 
tions with Hamilton, 348, 348 
n.; relations with Washing- 
ton, 355,357 n.; opinion of, on 
rules of neutrality, 407 n. ; 
account of Whiskey Insurrec- 
tion, 470 n. 

Johnson, Governor of Maryland, 
urges Washington to accept 
the Presidency, 311 n. 

Jones, Joseph, letters to, 157 w., 
191 

Judiciary, 413 

Justice, public, 216, 219, 552 

Kentucky, discontent in, 448 

Kirkbride, Joseph, letter to, 
120 n. 

Knox, Henry, letters to, 271, 
282, 316 n. ; opinion of on 
rules of neutrality, 408 n. 

Knowledge, promotion of, 331 

La Fayette, Marquis of, 89, 127, 

128 w., 178; desires conflict 

with America averted, 437; 

letters to, 243, 255 w., 257, 

290, 293, 294 m., 297, 305 n., 

317, 436, 500, 506 «., 525 n. 
Laurens, Henry, letters to, 

123; quoted, 128 n. 
Laurens, Lieutenant - Colonel 

John, letters to, 162, 164; 

mission to France, 164 n., 

164-171 
Laws, obstruction of, 545 
Lee, General Charles, 58 
Lee, Henry, letters to, 259 «., 

265, 313 w., 350, 450, 457, 

504, 506 n. 
Lee, Richard Henry, letters to, 

502 w., 507 
L'Enfant, Major, 340 
Lewis, Fielding, letter to, 154 
Liberty Hall Academy, 520 n. 
Lincoln, Benjamin, letter to, 311 
Livingston, Robert R., letter 

to, 196 n. 
Lodge, Henry Cabot, quoted, 

35«., 128 n., 373 w. 



Index 



565 



^— Long Island, battle of, 62 

Long Island, retreat from, 62- 

65 
Lowell, James Russell, quoted, 1 
Loyalists ("government-men"), 

55 
Luzerne on the weakness of 

Congress, 250 n. 

Mackenzie, Captain Robert, let- 
ter to, 26 
Madison, James, letters to, 267, 
533 n.; on Washington and 
the Newburg addresses, 184«. ; 
on Washington's inviting P. 
Henry into his cabinet, 420 n. 
Manufactures, encouragement 

of, 319, 331 

Martial law, 153 

Maryland votes supplies for the 

-- army,Tf-143; interest of, in 

western trade7:'488; action on 

the Constitution, 294 m., 298 

Mason, George, 10 w., 284, 342; 

letters to, 10, 135 
Massachusetts, disorders in, 266, 
268, 273; manufactures in, 
319; revocation of charter of, 
15, 20, 29; action on the 
Constitution, 295 
--^^McHenry, James, letters to, 176r^ 
' 181 w., 251 -^■ 

Meigs, Colonel, 148, 149 
Memorial of the army to Con- 
gress, 123 
Mercer, General, death of, 86 
Mercer, John Francis, letter to, 

525 n 
Militia, 66, 71, 73, 87, 225 
Mississippi, navigation of, 448, 
491, 495, 499, 502 m., 505, 
506, 506 w., 507, 508 n., 544 
Money, Continental, deprecia- 
tion of, 121, 133, 139, 146, 
149, 165; emissions of, 129 
Monmouth, battle of, Iviii 
Monroe, James, letter to, 421 
Morality and religion, 550 
Morgan, Major-General Daniel, 

450; letter to, 455 
Morris, Gouverneur, letters to, 
— 121, 365, 366, 386; made 
unofficial agent to Great 
Britain, 365 
Morris, Robert, 206, 207, 208; 
letter to, 523 



Mutiny of Connecticut troops, 
148 

Naturalization laws, 331 

Navy, use of, in the Revolution, 
168 

Nelson, Thomas, letter to, 130 n. 

Neutrality, American, motives 
of, 359, 391, 404, 412, 419. 
420, 424, 427 n., 437, 438, 558, 
559; questions concerning sub- 
mitted to the Cabinet, 405; 
opinion of the Cabinet on, 
407 w.; proclamation of, 408; 
Washington's relation to law 
of, 415 n.; rules of, 409 

Neutrality, Armed, of 1780, 
161 n. 

Newburg Addresses^.183-191, 4 
195, 198-200; authorship of, ' 

-"185w. 

New Jersey, disaffection in, 79 n. 

New York, disaffection in, 79 n.; 
evacuation of, 181 n.; and the 
Six Nations, 479; interest of in 
western trade, 488 

Non-importation agreements, 
10 n., 11-14, 14 n., 16, 21 

North, Lord, speech of, 116, 119 

North Carolina, action of, re- 
garding army officers, 101 n.; 
action on the Constitution, 
286 n. 

Officials, abuse of, 347, 351, 353, 

356 
Oswald, British commissioner, 

176 m., 180 

Paine, Thomas, 59 n., 426, 426 n. 

Parties, danger of, 547; influence 
of, 548 

Patriotism insufficient to sup- 
port a long war. 111 

Peace establishment, 216 

Peace with Great Britain, ex- 
pectation of, 158, 176, 178, 
179, 180; offers of, 111; nego- 
tiation of, 176 n., 180 n. ; viola- 
tion of treaty of, 262 n., 274 

Pendleton, Edmund, letter to, 
472 

Pennsylvania Council of Safety, 
letter to, 80 n. 

Pennsylvania, disaffection in, 
79 n. ; powers vested in its 



566 



Index 



Pennsylvania — (Continued) 
president, 151; manufactures 
in, 319; interest of, in western 
trade, 488, 494, 496 

Petitions to Parliament, 15, 18 

Pickering, Timothy, letter to, 
420 

Pinckney, Charles, letter to, 
525 n. 

Plundering by the army, in 
the Revolution, 75-77; in 
the Whiskey Insurrection, 458, 
459 w. 

Potomac River, projects for im- 
proving its navigation, 493, 
501, 503 

Presidency of the United States, 
reluctance of Washington to 
accept, 306 w., 308, 309, 313, 
318, 321; Hamilton suggests 
Washington's election, 306 n.; 
La Fayette on Washington's 
election, 305 n.; re-election to, 
346; third term declined, 531 

President of Congress, letters to, 
37, 42 n., 66 «., 67, 80, 84, 88, 
96, 144, 147, 173, 180 n., 183, 
235, 473 

President of the United States, 
duties of, 323; salary of, 
declined by Washington, 325; 
term, 296 

Princeton, battle of, 84-87, 88 n. 

Purviance, Samuel, letter to, 
502 

Quakers, attempts to free slaves, 
334 n., 336, 336 n.; in the mi- 
litia, 462 

Randolph, Edmund, letters to, 
288, 346,_ 373 n., 383, 384, 
471 n.; opinion of, on rules of 
neutrality, 407 n. ; refuses to 
sign the Constitution, 283 

Raynal, Abbe, 511 

Reed, Joseph, letters to, 40, 42, 
47, 58, 135 m., 151 

Religion essential to political 
prosperity, 550 

Remonstrance of the Pennsyl- 
vania legislature, 100, 101 n. 

Representatives, House of, mes- 
sage to, 395 

Requisition of supplies for the 
army, 80 w., 90, 166 



Requisitions on the States, 156, 

157 «., 171 n., 226, 232 
Revolutionary War, ability of 
America to continue, 121, 164, 
167; causes of, 10, 15, 18-22, 
24, 25, 28, 29, 50«., 51; ex- 
pense of, 139, 155, 166; pro- 
longation of, 139, 155, 226; 
termination of, 213, 230, 238 
Rhode Island, conduct of, 277; 
refuses to ratify the Constitu- 
tion, 286 n. 
Richmond, Duke of, 177 
Rittenhouse, David, 178 
Rochainbeau, Count de, 174 
Rockingham, Marquis of, death 

of, 176 
Rumsey's invention for propel- 
ling boats, 497 
Russia and the Armed Neutral- 
ity, 160, 161 n. 

Shay's Rebellion, 266 w., 268 

Sheffield, Lord, 473 

Shelburne, Earl of, prime minis- 
ter, 176, 179 

Slavery, 334 n., 523, 525 n.; 
relation of Quakers to, 334 n., 
336, 336 n., 523 

Smith, Sydney, 270 n. 

South, tour of, 337 

Spain, assistance from, 122, 160, 
167; condition of, 337; rela- 
tions with, 418, 490, 492, 544 

Sparks, Jared, notes by, 10, 17, 
19, 21, 38, 67, 88, 101, 104, 
106, 111, 113, 119, 120, 163, 
164, 235, 310, 333, 345, 349, 
357, 407, 425, 508 

Stamp Act, 8, 9, 19 n. 

States, formation of, in the West, 
484, 485, 499 
■jrSteuben, Baron, letters to, 144 «., 
236 " 

Stirling, Lord, 62 

Stuart, David, letters to, 277, 
333, 424 

Surgeons in the army, 74 

Taxation of the American col- 
onies, 8, 9, 10 n., 12, 14«., 
15, 18, 19w.,21,25, 106 

Taxes as a public necessity, 551 

Tea Act, 106 

Third term in the Presidency 
declined, 531 



Index 



567 



A- 



Thruston, Charles M., letter to, 
447 

Tilghman, Colonel Tench, 175; 
letter to, 178 

Tories, treatment of, in America, 
120 n. 

Treaty-making power, 378; re- 
lation of House of Represen- 
tatives to, 393, 394 «., 395, 
399 m., 400, 403; Hamilton's 
opinion on, requested, 400 

Trenton, battle of, 80-83, 88 n. 

Trumbull, Colonel Jonathan, 
urges Washington to accept 
the Presidency, 311 n. 

Trumbull, Governor Jonathan, 
141 n.; letter to, 141 

Tucker, Dean Josiah, quoted, 
269 n. 

Tyler, Moses Coit, quoted, 31, 
60 w. 

Union of the States, 216, 217, 
241, 243 m., 252, 335, 539; 
causes of disturbance of, 270 
M., 335, 360, 543; government 
of, 544; perpetuity of, 543 

University, national, 512, 514, 
518, 520, 522 «.; gift to, 513, 
514, 518, 522 

Valley Forge, condition of the 
army at, 96-103 

Vice-Presidency, attitude of 
Washington towards, 315 

Virginia and Kentucky Resolu- 
tions, 358, 358 M. 

Virginia, declares for indepen- 
dence, 60 M. ; action of, on the 
impost law, 181 m., 197; action 
of, on the Virginia and Ken- 
tucky Resolutions, 358; in- 
terest of, in western trade, 
489, 492 



War, abolition of, 498; between 
France and the Powers, 558; 
preparations for, 414 

Warren, James, letters to, 138, 
255 

Washington, the capital, 340 

Washington and Lee University, 
520 n. 

Washington, Bushrod, letter 
to, 284 

Washington, John Augustine, 
letters to, 5, 52, 60, 61, 78. 
79 m., 92 

Washington, Lund, letters to, 
79 m., 195 

Washington, Mrs. Martha, let- 
ters to, 6, 35 

Washington, William Augus- 
tine, letter to, 523 m. 

Wayne, General Anthony, 89 " 

Weights and measures, 331 

West, settlement of, 221, 474, 
477, 481, 503, 509; advan- 
tages of settlement by soldiers 
475; method suggested, 477- 
480; commerce with, 486, 500. 
502, 505, 507; water-ways 
leading to, 487, 488, 493, 499; 
their political importance, 490 
499, 502, 505, 507 

Western posts held by Great 
Britain, 366 

Whiskey Insurrection, causes, 
444, 463; Jefferson's account 
of, 470 m.; proclamation 
against, 446 n., 466; suppres- 
sion of, 447, 455, 457, 461, 467, 
473; how viewed, 451, 453, 
461, 472 m.; recompense to 
injured officers recommended, 
469 

Wirt, William, quoted, 7 n., 30 n. 

Yorktown, siege of, 173 ^ 



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